those periods, when all the power of the continent was wielded by that extraordinary genius, that great statesman and warrior, whose object was to reduce this country to the state of a military province. The present progress of commerce and rise of public credit was not a partial glimpse of prosperity. Improvement was felt in every department of commerce. The powers of machinery gave an extraordinary impulse to our manufactures, and our shipping covered the ocean. There never was a time in which the arts of peace were more successfully pursued; there never was a time in which the spirit of improvement was so active; and there never was a time in which the great body of the people showed more attachment to the government. It was not, then, surprising that neighbouring nations should envy us on account of our great prosperity and national glory. On this flourishing state of things he did not think it necessary to dwell. The documents which proved it were in every body's hands; and its proof existed in a diminishing taxation and an increasing revenue. Our finances had overcome the pressure under which they for some time laboured; and when he stated this, their lordships would have the additional satisfaction of recollecting that the present vast improvement, when public credit was higher than in 1792, was entirely owing to those sound commercial principles to which his Majesty had alluded in the conclusion of his speech. In all cases in which the principles just mentioned had been acted upon, the effects produced had been our trade under impolitic laws was owing to the activity and enterprise of the people, and it had been truly said that the great commercial prosperity of England had not grown up in consequence of the restrictive system, but in spite of it. The noble lord next adverted to that part of his Majesty's speech which relates to Ireland, and expressed himself in favour of the catholic emancipation. He next adverted to the condition of the South-American states, and concluded by moving the address. Lord Gort said, that in seconding the address, he felt that few observations would be expected from him, after the able manner in which it was introduced. He would therefore confine himself to the expression of his opinions on that part of the royal speech which referred to the state of Ireland. It gave him pain to observe some of the proceedings of the catholic body body in that part of the empire. The noble marquis at the head of the Irish government had conducted his administration in a temperate, wise, and impartial manner, so as to gain the confidence, and merit the approbation, of every honest man. He could not, indeed, satisfy all parties, but he satisfied all those whose wishes deserved to be consulted. On the one hand, there were the violent agitators of the catholics, who wished to turn the discontent which they created to their own advantage; and on the other, were the no less violent opponents of their claims. Lord Wellesley, in conducting his government on reasonable principles, and in a temperate manner, had shewn that he consulted the interests of the country, while he carried into effect the prejudices of neither. He (Lord Gort) needed not to remind their lordships of past times, when the Irish administration was in different circumstances when agitation was kept alive by acts of intemperate violence, and when scarcely a day passed without witnessing some outrage. The government of Lord Wellesley furnished a striking contrast to this order of things. By his judicious measures, the turbulent had been restrained, the deluded brought back to their duty, and the peace of the country restored and maintained. The constabulary force had been put in full action-confidence had been re-established agriculture was improving-the value of land had been raised-and commercial and industrious establishments were forming. So much good had resulted from the wise measures of Lord Wellesley's govern ment, that he hoped soon to be able to congratulate their lordships on the growing prosperity of Ireland. But while this was the situation of affairs on the one hand, he could not, on the other, omit bringing under the notice of the house the conduct and the pretensions of the Catholic Association. That body had assumed the rights, and exercised the powers of a parliament. It imposed taxes, issued proclamations, and made laws for the catholic community. Its professed object was catholic emancipation, but its real tendency was to overthrow the constitution. He (Lord Gort) would not now stop to discuss the subject of catholic emancipation; but were he the most strenuous advocate of the most liberal concessions, he would still be the decided opponent of the association. In this catholic parliament the most declamatory speeches were uttered, and every topic of inflammation enforced. The catholics were taught to believe that they were the objects of government hostility-that they were universally oppressed, and that the protestants were their oppressors. So decided was this association in its opposition to the constituted authorities of the land, that some change must be made. The two parliaments-the catholic and legitimate-could not coexist-either the catholic parliament or the legitimate must give way. Entertaining this view of the question, he entirely concur red in the suggestion from the throne that the association must be put down. By means of the catholic rent system, it had levied taxes on every parish in Ireland; and by means of its proclamations, and and the co-operation of the priests, it had extended its authority, and exercised a striking influence, from one end of the island to the other. The priests, in executing the order of the catholic parliament, showed that they possessed an influence which they ought to have exerted in maintaining the public peace at other times. He (Lord Gort) would be sorry to be thought so void of constitutional principle, as to oppose any obstacles to the catholics in uniting to express their grievances, and to seek for redress; but if they were to come before their lordships, they must come as petitioners-they must come with prayers, and not with menaces-they must submit their demands to the discussion of parliament, and wait the result with patience. In short, they must present the olive-branch, and not show the sword. When the noble seconder of the address had concluded, Lord King rose to address the house, and had proceeded with his first sentence, when or The Earl of Lauderdale reminded the house, that the address was not yet known to their lordships-that it had neither been read by the noble mover seconder, nor from the woolsack, nor by the clerk; and that the debate could not formally proceed till their lordships knew on what they were debating. A conversation here ensued, in which Lord Holland, the Earl of Lauderdale, the Earl of Liverpool, and the Lord Chancellor took part. Lord Liverpool allowed that the forms of the house required the reading of the address, and took blame to himself for being the cause of the omission. The Lord Chancellor said that he was not anxious to save his lungs, but it was his fault that it was not read. He would, however, repair the omission and read it. The address was then read from the woolsack. Lord King observed, that he agreed with the address of the noble lords, that the resources of the country had been relieved, and its industry stimulated and improved. He gave his cordial approbation to those measures by which this result had been produced. It was the more pleasing to him to state this approbation, as the commercial regulations and measures of foreign policy on which their lordships were congratulated had been pressed upon the government by himself and his friends. They had given an advice to ministers, which, though at first opposed and neglected, had at last prevailed. As ministers had thus come round to the opinions of opposition, he (Lord King) hoped it would not be the last time he should have to congratulate them on their docility. He hoped that they would take advice on a very important question-the corn laws-and that ere long they would introduce consistent measures for the trade in grain. As far as the speech from the throne was the speech of the chief magistrate of the country, he received it with all respect and honour. He admitted that the situation of England was prosperous and fortunate; but their lordships should not forget that such was not the situation of six millions of catholics on the other side of the Irish Channel, suffering under a misgovernment which was was a disgrace to our age and country. The world, in general, was now too wise to allow governments to inflict penalties, or to withhold privileges, on account of differences of religious faith. The Marquis of Lansdown said, that he would not have troubled their lordships with any observations, unless in order to express his dissent from one part of the address. With regard to most of the general topics which had been discussed that night, there could not be much diversity of opinion. The country could not fail to feel the justice of the sentiments expressed generally by his noble friend who moved the address, though they had not been enforced with so much eloquence-an eloquence which he (Lord Lansdown) always heard with pleasure, in whatever house it was uttered, or from whatever side it came. He (Lord Lansdown) gave his hearty concurrence to all that was said about the internal prosperity of the country, and the wisdom of its foreign policy in the recognition of the independent states of South America. His lordship then cautioned ministers against acting too hastily with respect to the Catholic Association. The Earl of Liverpool thought that, at least, the first paragraph in the royal speech would be fully echoed by the house: he believed that no difference of opinion could exist with respect to the satisfactory condition of the country. He would not press the house with that subject, after all that had been said by the noble mover of the address upon it; but he would assume that at least there could be no question as to the fact. After all the difficulties which England had contended with successfully during the progress of the war, she had found that difficulties scarcely less trying remained yet to be surmounted in a state of peace. The same question which circumstances had brought into discussion frequently before, was now agitated again, and with redoubled violence: vast numbers of persons concurred in thinking that the country could never again return to a metallic currency, and yet keep faith with the public creditor. The house could not but fully recollect these opinions, connected as they had been with the difficulties sustained by the country in its transition from a war of twenty years to a state of entire and absolute peace. Their lordships knew the clamour which had been raised-the publications which had issued from the press upon this subject. In the midst of present distress and difficulty, government had been called upon to reduce the burdens of the people-burdens which indeed had pressed heavily, but which, nevertheless, at that time, it had been impossible to take off. But if the houses of parliament had displayed firmness in the course of the great struggle which they had carried on against France, they had shown no less in what they had resolved on in meeting the pressure consequent upon that struggle's conclusion. Parliament had determined—and they had carried their determination into effect-they had determined to attain that, without which the prosperity of the country never could have rested upon a solid foundation-they had determined to have a sound metallic currency; and they had accomplished this without without violating a single previous engagement which they had entered into. The task had been a Herculean one; but we had accomplished it, and we were now enjoying our reward-we had founded a state of prosperity for England greater than any other country had enjoyed, nay greater than she herself, at any antecedent period, had ever stood in. This, then, being the internal state of the country, government might fairly proceed to the agreeable task of removing those restrictions, which, under less prosperous auspices, it would have been unsafe, perhaps, to meddle with. With respect to his own conduct, and the principles which he had advocated, however he might have held that, up to a certain time, those restrictions ought to be maintained, parliament was bound, he thought, always to act with caution; but the general principles of free trade he had always laid down as the great foundation of all national prosperity, and as those which ought to be adopted at the very earliest moment that the situation of England would permit. With respect to the recognition of South American independence, the noble marquis who had last spoken expressed his entire approbation of that measure. The question, in fact, had been, not whether South America should be open to the commerce of Great Britain, but whether she should be open to the intercourse of mankind a large. Important as he had always thought that question with respect to South America important as he had considered it with reference to other political interests than those immediately developed-still he should have felt himself unworthy of the situation which he filled in the government, if he had allowed that question, as far as his opinion was concerned, to be argued upon any narrow principle of commercial interests whatever. On a former occasion he had stated, when the South American business was to be discussed, that he did not think that England, or any other country, had a right to set itself up in judgment between the mother country and its colonies. We had no right to dispute the independence; but, on the other hand, we were not entitled to assert and maintain it. The noble mover of the address had adverted to the existence of two parties in another country, one of which was disposed to support or bring back, all abuse, and the other to uphold the ultra doctrines of insurrection and resistance to authority; now it seemed to him (the Earl of Liverpool) that in this country it was a strange arrangement of political opinion, that the very same parties frequently, who could only hear of one nation's planning an invasion against another with expressions of indignation, would, where any colony rose against its parent state, express nothing but astonishment that its struggles for liberty should not be instantly assisted. What he (the noble lord) maintained was, that except as far as was necessary to her own safety, England had no right to interfere, or to set herself up in judgment between Spain and South America. The immediate questions were several, prior to a measure like decided recognition. Was there any dis pute |