Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, 8 tomasF. D. Tandy Company, 1905 |
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A. E. BURNSIDE ABRAHAM LINCOLN act of Congress army arrests believe CHASE EXECUTIVE MANSION citizens Colonel colored command Constitution dear Sir December December 22 DEPARTMENT despatch duty election emancipation EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION enemy eral EXECUTIVE MANSION favor Fitz-John Porter force Fort Monroe freedom Frémont G. B. MCCLELLAN give Governor Gamble H. W. HALLECK habeas corpus HOOKER WASHINGTON House of Representatives Indorsement January January 21 June June 14 labor LETTER TO SECRETARY Major-General Burnside Major-General Dix March ment military Missouri NOTE TO SECRETARY officers opinion P. M. Major-General Hooker peace persons Potomac President proclamation rebel rebellion received regiments republic resolution Richmond river Rosecrans SECRETARY CHASE EXECUTIVE Secretary of War SECRETARY STANTON EXECUTIVE September September 12 slavery slaves STANTON EXECUTIVE MANSION TELEGRAM TO GOVERNOR telegraph tion to-day troops truly Union United Virginia W. S. ROSECRANS WAR DEPARTMENT wish
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156 psl. - Portsmouth and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued and by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid i do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated states and parts of states are and henceforward shall be free and that the executive government of the united states including the military and naval authorities thereof will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons...
155 psl. - States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly...
37 psl. - States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed. That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all...
39 psl. - An act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following : SEC.
16 psl. - My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
162 psl. - Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion...
116 psl. - Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following Articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States, as Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all, or any of which Articles, when ratified by three fourths of the said Legislatures, to be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said Constitution...
39 psl. - States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army ; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and coming under the control of the government of the United States...
163 psl. - ... the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit: "Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St.
15 psl. - If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to be right. As to the policy I