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that those gentlemen will always be most faithful to the king that receive the king's money. I shall grant, my Lords, that such gentlemen will be always the most faithful, and the most of obedient to the ministers; but for this very reason I should be for excluding them from Parliament. king's real interest, however much he may be made by his ministers to mistake it, must always be the same with his people's; but the minister's interest is generally distinct from, and often contrary to both; therefore, I shall always be for excluding, as much as possible, from Parliament, every man who is under the least inducement to prefer the interest of the minister to that of both king and people; and this I take to be the case of every gentleman, let his estate and family be what they will, that holds a pension at the will of the minister.

Those who say they depend so much upon the honour, integrity, and impartiality of men of family and fortune, seem to think our constitution can never be dissolved as long as we have the shadow of a Parliament. My opinion, my Lords, is so very different, that if ever our constitution be dissolved, if ever an absolute monarchy be established in this kingdom, I am convinced it will be under that shadow. Our constitution consists in the two Houses of Parliament being a check upon the crown, as well as upon one another. If that check should ever be removed, if the crown should, by corrupt means, by places, by pensions, and bribes, get the absolute direction of our two Houses of Parliament, our constitution will, from that moment, be destroyed. There would be no occasion for the crown to proceed any farther. It would be ridiculous to lay aside the forms of Parliament ; for under the shadow our king would be more absolute, and might govern more arbitrarily, than he could do without it. A gentleman of family and fortune would not, perhaps, for the sake of a pension, agree to lay aside the forms of government; because, by his venal service there, he earns his infamous pension, and could not expect the continuance of it if these forms were laid aside; but a gentleman of family and fortune may, for the sake of a pension, whilst he is in Parliament, approve of the most blundering measure, consent to the most excessive and useless grants, enact the most oppressive laws, pass the most villanous accounts, acquit

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the most heinous criminals, and condemn the most innocent persons, at the desire of that minister who pays him his pension. And if a majority of such House of Parliament consisted of such men, would it not be ridiculous in us to talk of our constitution, or to say we had any liberty left? This misfortune, this terrible condition, we may be reduced to by corruption: as brave, as free a people as we, the Romans, were reduced to it by the same means; and to prevent such a horrid catastrophe is the design of this bill.

If people would at all think, if they would consider the consequences of corruption, there would be no occasion, my Lords, for making laws against it. It would appear so horrible, that no man would allow it to approach him. The corrupted ought to consider that they do not sell their vote, or their country only; these, perhaps, they may disregard; but they sell likewise themselves: they become the bond slaves of the corrupter, who corrupts them, not for their sakes, but for his own. No man ever corrupted another for the sake of doing him a service. And, therefore, if people would but consider, they would always reject the offer with disdain. But this is not to be expected. The histories of all countries, the history even of our own country, shows it is not to be depended on. The proffered bribe, people think, will satisfy the immediate cravings of some infamous appetite; and this makes them swallow the alluring bait, though the liberties of their country, the happiness of their posterity, and even their own liberty, evidently depend upon their refusing it. This makes it necessary, in every free state, to contrive, if possible, effectual laws against corruption: and, as the laws we now have for excluding pensioners from the other House are allowed to be ineffectual, we ought to make a trial, at least, of the remedy now proposed; for, though it should prove ineffectual, it will be attended with this advantage, that it will put us upon contriving some other remedy that may be effectual; and the sooner such a remedy is contrived and applied, the less danger we shall be exposed to of falling into the fatal distemper, from which no free state, where it has once become general, has ever yet recovered.




1.-THE SPEECH OF A ROMAN OFFICER TO HIS SOLDIERS. ROME was taken by Totila'. One of our brave officers'; whose name was Paul', had sallied out of the city at the head of a small party', and intrenched himself on the eminence', where he was surrounded by the enemy'. Famine', it was not doubted, would soon reduce him to the necessity of surrendering; and, in fact', he was in want of every' thing. In this exigence', he addressed himself to his soldiers':"My friends'," said he, "we must either perish', or survive in slavery'. You', I know, will not hesitate' about the choice but it is not enough to perish', we must perish nobly'. The coward may resign himself to be consumed by famine', he may linger in misery', and wait, in a dispirited condition, for the friendly hand of death'. But we', who have been schooled and educated in the field of battle', we are not now' to learn the proper use of our arms; we know how to carve for ourselves an honourable' death. Yes, let us die', but not inglorious and unrevenged'; let us die' covered with the blood of our enemies', that our fall', instead of raising the smile of deliberate malice', may give them cause to mourn' over the victory that undoes us. Can we wish to loiter a few years more' in life, when we know that a very few must bring us to our graves' ?-The limits of human life cannot be enlarged by nature', but glory' can extend them, and give a second' life.”

He finished his harangue: the soldiery declared their resolution to follow him. They began their march`; the intrepid countenance' with which they advanced soon denoted to the enemy a design to give battle with all the courage of the last despair. Without waiting', therefore, to receive' the attack of this illustrious band, the Goths thought proper to compound', by an immediate grant of life' and liberty'. MARMONTEL.

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PERHAPS your Majesty may not hear the truth from the mouth of a Grecian and an exile; and, if I do not declare it now I never will; perhaps I may never have another opportunity. Your Majesty's numerous army, drawn from various nations, and which unpeoples the East, may seem formidable to the neighbouring countries. The gold, the purple, and the splendour of arms, which strike the eyes of beholders, make a show which surpasses the imagination of all who have not seen it. The Macedonian army, with which your Majesty's forces are going to contend, is, on the contrary, grim, and horrid of aspect, and clad in iron. The irresistible phalanx is a body of men who, in the field of battle, fear no onset, being practised to hold together, man to man, shield to shield, and spear to spear; so that a brazen wall might as soon be broken through. In advancing, in wheeling to right or left, in attacking, in every exercise of arms, they act as one man. They answer the slightest sign from the commander, as if his soul animated the whole army. Every soldier has a knowledge of war sufficient for a general. And this discipline, by which the Macedonian army is become so formidable, was first established, and has been all along kept up, by a fixed contempt of what your Majesty's troops are so vain of, I mean gold and silver. The bare earth serves them for beds. Whatever will satisfy nature is their luxury. Their repose is always shorter than the night. Your Majesty may therefore judge, whether Thessalian, Acarnanian, and Ætolian cavalry, and the Macedonian phalanx-an army that has, in spite of all opposition, overrun half the world—are to be repelled by a multitude (however numerous) armed with slings, and stakes hardened at the points by fire. To be upon equal terms with Alexander, your Majesty ought to have an army composed of the same sort of troops: and they are nowhere to be had, but in the same countries which produce those conquerors of the world. It is therefore my opinion, that, if your Majesty were to apply the gold and silver, which now so superfluously adorn your men, to the purpose of hiring an army from Greece to contend with

Greeks, you might have some chance for success; otherwise I see no reason to expect anything else, than that your army should be defeated, as all the others have been who have encountered the irresistible Macedonians.



IF your person were as gigantic as your desires, the world itself would not contain you. Your right hand would touch the east, and your left the west, at the same time. You grasp at more than you are equal to. From Europe you reach to Asia; from Asia you lay hold on Europe. And if you should conquer all mankind, you seem disposed to wage war with woods and snows, with rivers and wild beasts, and to attempt to subdue nature. But have you considered the usual course of things? Have you reflected, that great trees are many years in growing to their height, and are cut down in an hour? It is foolish to think of the fruit only, without considering the height you have to climb to come at it. Take care lest, while you strive to reach the top, you fall to the ground with the branches you have laid hold on. The lion when dead is devoured by ravens; and rust consumes the hardness of iron. There is nothing so strong, but it is in danger from what is weak. It will, therefore, be your wisdom, to take care how you venture beyond your reach. Besides, what have you to do with the Scythians, or the Scythians with you? We have never invaded Macedon; why should you attack Scythia? We inhabit vast deserts and pathless woods, where we do not want to hear of the name of Alexander. We are not disposed to submit to slavery; and we have no ambition to tyrannize over any nation.-That you may understand the genius of the Scythians, we present you with a yoke of oxen, an arrow, and a goblet. We use these respectively in our commerce with friends and with foes. We give to our friends the corn, which we raise by the labour of our oxen. With the goblet we join with them in pouring drink-offerings to the gods; and with arrows we attack our enemies. We have conquered those who have attempted to tyrannize over us in our own country, and likewise the kings of the Medes and Persians, when they made unjust war upon us; and we have opened to ourselves a way into Egypt. You

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