There is still another misrepresentation far more impor tant. The Committee say that "not being able to obtain satisfactory information upon the subject of those expenses from the Books or officers of the Bank, application was made by letter to Mr. N. Biddle and Mr. J. Cowperthwaite, from whom no reply has been received." Now contrast this with the truth. First, the Ex-Cashier, Mr. Thomas Wilson: "When Mr. Biddle came in as President, I of my own accord and from the same considerations employed Mr. Thomas Biddle again. I mention this injustice to Mr. N. Biddle, and from a wish to be understood that it was through me that Mr. T. Biddle was employed as broker of the Bank." And again in answer to this question by Mr. Adams: "Do you know of any preference or favor, or partiality, shown by the President of the Bank to Mr. Thomas Biddle, in the transactions of the Bank with him?" I myself made no answer because I perceived that the letter was a mere pretext. They were examining all my affairs without giving me any notice, and this letter asking "Answer, I do not. When the sale of the forfeited Bank information as to one insulated point was to be made the occasion of saying that they had given me notice on the stock was contemplated, a committee of the Directors was only point in which they wanted information. But Mr. Cow- appointed to conduct it, and Mr. Whitney went to New perthwaite himself called on the writer of the letter, Mr. York in order to dispose of it. Such an operation of course to be conducted with secrecy. He made sales of a large Lippincott, and in his presence drew up a written account of the transaction, and gave it to Mr. Lippincott. Mr. portion of it through the Primes. Mr. T. Biddle became the Cowperthwaite states these facts in a letter to me just re-purchaser. He held the stock for a long time, at a considerable disadvantage, and was not aware at the time he purceived, of which an extract follows: chased, that it was the Bank that was selling. I mention this circumstance to show there was no privity or connection between Mr. T. Biddle and the President of the Bank. It was a large operation, and had it been known that the Bank was selling, the price would of course have fallen. I may add that the commission alone on such a sale would have been a great object if Mr. T. Biddle had been employed as the agent to conduct it." "Failing to obtain from the proper officers of the Bank after repeated application permission to examine the vouchers alluded to in the letter of the Chairman of the Committee to me of the 24th ult., I called upon that individual and expressed my anxiety to give to the Committee any information I possessed on that or any other subject, stating to him the fact that I had been refused permission to see these vouchers - Mr. Lippincott informed me that the Committee had also been precluded from seeing the vouchers-I then stated to him what my recollection was respecting them, he requested it might be put down in writing, and a short memorandum was accordingly made. Yours, &c. J. COWPERTHWAITE." Now is not all this very unfair? Here is a Committee who assume to examine the private affairs of every man who for twenty years has had any dealings with the Bank. They publish garbled statements of his accounts, and when the accused goes to the Chairman of the Committee and delivers to him a written statement, the Chairman makes the Committee deny they ever received any communication from him and turn his very silence into a crime. And how is it to be for the future? It was contemplated to publish the accounts of all the dealers with the Bank, but they say, "it has been thought best not to publish the lists in detail of the active and suspended debt. The injury which would result to the credit of individuals by such an exposition might ultimately be detrimental to the interests of the Stockholders." They therefore reserve this for some future occasion, when the individual may be made to suffer, and still be able to pay his debt to the Bank, and in the meantime they may publish what they please and just as much as they please. You can have no access to the papers in the Bank to explain your own transactions there, and when you state them in writing to the leader of the six, he denies that you ever gave him any information about them. And who shall be safe that every week may not produce some fresh stories from the same mint, till the public impatience rises to crush them. And now having been obliged to introduce this subject of my own concerns, I take the occasion to mention another matter which I have never had a fit opportunity of explaining, and I wish to place it on record now lest the same charges may be revived, when I am no longer here to defend myself. In the war against the Bank it was thought a popular topic to reproach me with favoritism—and as the only plausible object of it, to select the firm of Thomas Biddle & Co., distant relatives of mine, but with whom I do not think I ever had any pecuniary transaction. When the Committee of Congress examined the Bank in 1832, their attention was directed to a large loan to this house of Thomas Biddle & Co., and an effort was made, partly political and partly personal, to show that I had been guilty of great favoritism towards people who were represented as my relatives. That question was therefore thoroughly examined by the Committee, and although it may seem ostentatious, I think it so important, that I shall put down the successive answers by the Directors and officers as they were summoned to give their testimony. Then the Cashier, Mr. M'Ilvaine, in answer to a question by Mr. M'Duffie: "I have never seen any disposition on the part of the President to show the smallest favor to the house of Thomas Biddle & Co." And in answer to Mr. Adams's question: "Have you ever known the President to manifest any partiality, or evince a disposition to grant any special favor to any one of his relatives or connections?" He answered: "I have not. Whenever the Bank has been the purchaser of Bills of Exchange from Thomas Biddle & Co., the President always appeared to make the best practicable bargain for the Bank." Then General Cadwalader-to a question by Mr. Adams. "Have you ever known the President to manifest any partiality, or evince a disposition to grant a special favor to any one of his relatives or friends?" Answer-"I have not. I will however mention two or three instances the other way." He then mentions the sale of stock described by Mr. Wilson, above, and adds— "Another circumstance within my recollection is an ap plication which was made by Mr. Charles Biddle, the brother of the President, for a Cashiership in one of the Western Offices. Mr. C. Biddle's talents and habits of business might be supposed to have eminently qualified him for such an appointment. His application however was discouraged by the President of the Bank. Another application was made by Mr. C. Biddle for the Solicitorship of the Nashville Office. The President of the Bank declined recommending him to the Board of the Branch for that office-his want of profes sional experience being suggested by the President as a sufficient objection. A few years ago, I visited St. Louis at the request of the Board for the purpose of reporting as to the eligibility of that place for the establishment of a branch. The character, talents, and standing of Major Thomas Biddle, a brother of the President, seemed in the opinion of the most intelligent people of the place to point to him for the Presídency of the office. Being apprehensive, however, that the President of the Parent Bank would object to Major Biddle on the score of the relationship, I placed next to him on my list the name of Col. O'Fallon. When the office was afterwards established, and the Board of Directors were to be appointed, the President desired that Col. O'Fallon should be placed at the head of the list, and it was so arranged by the Committee on the Offices." And again "I have never known any leaning or partiality on the part of the President to Mr. T. Biddle or his house." So Joseph Cowperthwaite, Assistant Cashier, in answer to Mr. M'Duffie's question 600,000 dollars, and will pay an interest of six per cent. It was thought a very advantageous arrangement to obtain "Whether you have ever known the present presiding such a large investment at five per cent. on such undoubt officer to manifest on any occasion a disposition to granted security, when the Committee were authorized to loan favors to the house of Thomas Biddle & Co., or to extend to them any facilities not conducive to the interest of the Bank." He says—“ With regard to loans to T. Biddle & Co.; in 1831, they were frequently the subject of discussion before the Exchange Committee, and it always seemed to me that the President was the least anxious on the subject. He was anxious that the funds of the Bank should be invested, and spoke in that general relation at the meetings of the Committee. With regard to the partiality to which the question refers I know no instance whatever of it. My own impressions have always been that the President has erred in being too scrupulous.” He then cites the above case mentioned by Mr. Wilson, and adds-" When I alluded to the matter among the officers of the Bank, I received the impression that it was done in order to avoid any imputation of partiality." So Mr. Paul Beck, jun., in answer to the question"Have you ever known the President of the Bank to manifest any partiality towards Thomas Biddle & Co., in any of the transactions of the Bank." He says"No never. I have seen him treat them as hard as any body. In time of press brokers' and auctioneers' paper was always discounted last, mechanics' and traders' always discounted first. I have very often seen the Board willing to do more for Mr. T. Biddle & Co. than the President would allow." Other testimony was taken till the Committee at length came to this resolution, as may be seen in their reports. "The minority of the Committee [Messrs. Adams, M'Duffie and Watmough,] will avail themselves of this occasion to say that in all the transactions of the Bank with Thomas Biddle & Co. and Charles Biddle, the President has been not only free from the slightest imputation of partiality or favoritism, but that his conduct has been invariably governed by a nice and scrupulous sense of delicacy and propriety, and this they feel authorized to say is the opinion of the majority of the Committee." The following resolution was unanimously adopted by the Committee, Messrs. Clayton, R. M. Johnson, Thomas, Cambreleng, Adams, M'Duffie and Watmough. Resolved, That the charges brought against the President of lending money to Thomas Biddle & Co. without interest, and of discounting notes for that house and for Charles Biddle without the sanction of the Directors are without foundation, and that there does not exist any ground for charging the President with having shown or manifested any disposition to show, any partiality to these individuals in their transactions with the Bank." Still the question remained, how did this large loan come into the Bank Mr. Cowperthwaite in the part of his testimony above quoted, shows its origin. "He (the President) was anxious that the funds of the Bank should be invested, and I distinctly recollect hearing one or two of the Committee, Mr. Cope particularly, say that they had been to Thomas Biddle & Co. to solicit investments of that sort." But it remained for Mr. Manuel Eyre to explain the whole, which he did in the following statement which I repeat though you saw it in yesterday's letter. "The Board of Directors passed resolutions authorizing the Exchange Committee to make investments at any rate of interest not less than four and a half per cent. As chairman of that Committee I called upon Messrs. T. Biddle & Co. several times and particularly requested them to make all their great operations with us, and urged them to take two or three millions of dollars or more at 5 per cent., and for as long a time as they wished. They were not willing to take the loan for as long a time as the Committee wished, but reserved the right of paying off as might suit their convenience. The Committee upon undoubted security loaned them upwards of 1,100,000 dollars at 5 per cent.-which loan is now reduced as your Committee has observed, to VOL. IV.-40 t at four and a half per cent. I have always regarded this operation as one in which the Bank was the favored party, and I think it may be safely and truly said that the account of Messrs. T. Biddle & Co. has been one of the most advantageous accounts in the Bank." MANUEL EYRE. April 5, 1832. There was still another loan of $38,000 to my brother, Mr. Charles Biddle, which was ascribed to similar favoritism. As the loan had taken place eight years before, I had no trace of it in my mind and could give no account of it, and there the matter ended, except that Mr. Wilson the Cashier, testified that the loan was not made by me but by the Board. The following year Mr. Charles Biddle who had been long absent, returned to Philadelphia, and he then mentioned that the Bank of Philadelphia, of which he was then a Director, happening to get into some temporary embarrassment, he on the part of the Bank brought these notes to the Bank of the United States where they were discounted for the exclusive use of the Bank of Philadelphia, in order to relieve it without the slightest personal interest in the transaction. I found on application to the Bank of Philadelphia that this statement was entirely correct, and I obtained a letter from the Cashier of the Bank, then Quintin Campbell, Esq., to that effect. The subject was happily introduced by Mr. Thomas P. Cope in his speech on the subject of banks in the Pennsylvania Convention. "A loan," says he, "to Charles Biddle has likewise been the subject of criticism. It is sufficient for me to say in relation to that loan that he was at the time a Direc tor in one of our city Banks, and that the money borrowed was for the use of that Bank at a period of public pressurethe Bank of the United States at all times willing to render necessary assistance to any of the other State Banks." You will not I am sure ascribe to me the idle vanity of making a parade of these things, but I recur to them now because the very same subject is brought forward by this Committee and in such a way as to produce the greater effect from being partially veiled. Thus it is said "one firm of this city received accommodations of this kind between August 1835 and November 1837, to the extent of $4,213,878 30, more than half of which was obtained in 1837." The suppression of the names is of no consequence since everybody knows that it is the firm of Thos. Biddle & Co, and then the natural commentary which follows is that there must have been some most extraordinary favoritism on my part towards a house bearing my own name. It is for that reason, that I re-produce these testimonials to prove that during the whole time I was in power I never exhibited towards this house any favoritism-that I even restrained the Board, as Mr. Paul Beck testifies, from giving them discounts, and that their large loans did not come through me nor by me. This disposition thus proved may perhaps serve as a general answer to the insinuation of favoritism, and certainly I am not aware of having in the slightest degree contributed to their loans. What I remember is this. In the year 1837 after I came from New York where there had been a vast deal of commercial dis'ress, it seemed just that the same measures of relief should be given to our own city. Now there were two large establishments here then in great jeopardy. One was the house of Messrs. John A. Brown & Co., the other Thos. Biddle & Co. The first I took in hand myself, making the necessary advances to carry them through their troubles, and they were accordingly saved. With the House of Thomas Biddle & Co. I would not interfere; but I requested a Committee to examine their affairs and if they thought it expedient to carry them through, I would consent to it. They did so. All this increase of loan made in 1837, was a work in which I had no part whatever any more than in the original loan made by Mr. Eyre, and the secur ties offered were I understand very substantial then, though in the great decline of all personal property they may now be inadequate. Having said thus much concerning these loans, I finally close that subject. And now let us see to what an end this Committee is hurrying the Bank. If they had been Stockholders them selves, if they had consulted the interests of the Stockholders, their course was perfectly obvious. The Bank had had quarrels enough-what it wanted was repose-it needed that its credit should be sustained abroad, and that at home it should seek favor and friendship with the community and the government. The Bank might have been gradually restored-its capital diminished so as to enable it to make divi dends and all its misfortunes gradually repaired. But what do these Committee men? They villify all those who have heretofore managed the Bank, they denounce Mr. Jaudon, and they describe the institution as one not entitled to confidence. What is the consequence? They have destroyed the ability of Mr. Jaudon to serve the Bank-they have so completely prostrated the credit of the Bank itself that it will be scarcely possible to make arrangements for continuing to pay its interests in Europe-and the Bank has no means of sending it from here, so that at the first default the foreign creditor may be tempted to sell the securities he holds at any price and come upon the Bank for the difference, a claim which would sweep away a large part of its capital. At the same time they have alienated many persons who were able and willing to serve the Bank-they have rendered it odious, and the Legislature of Pennsylvania will either cut the Bank adrift and leave it to its fate-or else if it affords any relief will do it only on condition that it will give up its independence and place itself at the mercy of the Legislature, so that its charter may be at any time repealed without assigning a single reason. Such are some of the blessed fruits of the labors of this Committee-and if hereafter the Bank is destroyed-if its whole capital is exhausted in consequence of the discredit now thrown upon it by the Committee-if the citizens of Philadelphia are to lose the use of the remaining sixteen millions of capital, which the Committee say is yet safe, and are to be forced to pay up their debts, let the stockholders of the Bank and the citizens of Philadelphia know to whose financial ability and disinterestedness their gratitude is due. After such brilliant persons everything else becomes dull, and I will only add how sincerely I am, Yours, N. BIDDLE. Launch of the Mississippi. The Launch of the Mississippi took place on the 5th inst. from the Navy Yard, between the hours of 1 and 2 o'clock. and thousands were present to witness the sight. We have obtained the following particulars, in relation to her construction and size from an authentic source, which will prove interesting at this particular moment. The appropriation for the construction of this noble vessel as well as for the Missouri, recently launched at the New York Navy Yard, was made at the session of Congress of 28, '39. Shortly after the adjournment of Congress, the Board of Naval Constructors, composed of Messrs. Humphreys of Washington, Lenthall of this city, and Hart of New York, met here, for the purpose of determining upon the precise mould and model upon which they should be built, it having been previously decided by the Board of Navy Commissioners that they should both be in all things precisely the same; that the efficiency of the two kinds of engines and machinery put in them might be fully and fairly tested. At the meeting of the Board of Naval Constructors alluded to above, Mr. Lenthall, the Naval Constructor of this station, was agreed upon to make the drafts and construct two sets of moulds This new and important undertaking could not have been confided to more competent hands, and how faithfully, and with what skill he has carried through this momentous task, the symmetry and swan-like grace with which these noble structures of naval architecture sit in their element, fully answers. Thus, although one of these vessels was built at New York, it will be seen that both owe their origin to Philadelphia. Every mould of the Missouri was built here and sent to that city. She has several of Massie's patent pumps of English manufacture, bearing the English coat of arms, and said to be of very superior capacities. Their workmanship and finish are altogether inferior to that of the rest of the machinery which is of American manufacture. Besides, we consider the British lion no ornament to a National American vessel. The cost of these pumps are $1000 each. She has two magazines, one forward and one aft, lined all around with copper, fitted with wooden tanks lined with lead, and thus made wholly impervious to water. In case the vessel should spring a leak, or by taking fire should render it necessary to overflow her with water, the powder would be kept dry and fit for instant use. This is a great improvement over the old practice of carrying it in barrels. She has thirty water tanks, 12 aft the engine and 18 forward. These tanks are of wrought iron, securely riveted, water tight, and enclosed in wooden cases. They are of different size and shape, and when stowed form a level surface. The frame of this frigate, as well as the Missouri, is of live oak from Florida. The frame is admirably secured by tock head, bolted through the frames. These are five feet iron trusses running from the gun deck to the second futapart, four inches wide, and of an inch thick. Between the berth deck clamps and bilge streaks at second futtock, and first futtock heads, there are trusses of timber six inches square running at right angles with the braces. The main kelson is of live oak, two feet deep. There are four wing kelsons of white oak on which the bed plates for the engines rest. These bed plates are secured by about forty iron bolts, from two to four inches in diameter, running through the timbers, the heads covered by the bottom planks. 66 The engines for the steam frigate Mississippi are very similar in their general arrangement to what is known as the tails, among which we will only mention the substitution of English Marine Engine," but differ in some important de"balance puppet valves" for the slide valves almost universally used in the English steamers. The balance valves are preferable both for admitting the steam freely and suddenly into the cylinder, and for the ease with which they can be worked by the hand gearing for stopping, starting, &c.; one man for each engine being amply sufficient for this purpose. The principal parts of these engines are secured together by massive cast iron framing in the gothic style, combining in an eminent degree strength and compactness. The paddle wheels, shafts, cranks, connecting rods, crossheads, &c., are immense masses of wrought iron, which were forged at the West Point Foundry, at Cold Springs. In addition to their being beautiful specimens of heavy forging they are palpable evidences that heavy smith work of this description can be executed in this country. The boilers are of copper, each being 13 feet wide, 14 feet long, 12 feet 3 inches high, with double return flues, so that the flame traverses the length of the boiler three times before it reaches the chimney. They are strongly braced at intervals of eight inches, and are to be proved to a pressure of thirty pounds to each square inch of surface. Each will weigh about 50,000 lbs. The cylinders are 6 feet 3 inches in diameter-7 feet stroke. The castings weighed in the rough about 16,000 lbs., and in their finished state about 12,000 each. The paddle wheels are 29 feet 8 inches diameter, and 10 feet face. They are made entirely of iron with the exception of the paddle boards which are of the best oak plank. The paddle wheel shafts are of wrought iron, 17 inches in diameter at the journals, and about 25 feet 9 inches long. The bed plates (each cast in one single piece,) are 29 feet 4 inches long, 7 feet 4 inches wide, and weigh about 27,000 lbs. The lever beams are of cast iron-two for each engine -weighing 12,000 lbs. each. This vessel is intended to carry between 7 and 800 tons of coal, which will suffice for about 25 days steaming. All of the work with the exception of the very heavy forging and brass castings, has been executed at the Southwark foundry, and in a manner that challenges comparison. The whole of the machinery reflects the highest credit upon those enterprising machinists, Messrs. Merrick & Town. The power of these engines is variously estimated by dif ferent persons. No two engineers calculate it in the same way, and probably no two would be found to agree. They may, however, be set down as not far from the truth at 600 horse power. Her armament is intended to be on a scale commensurate with her magnificent hull and machinery. She is pierced with twenty-six ports in all, but it is intended that she shall carry but eighteen guns in all-six aft the wheel-house and three forward of it, on each side. She will carry two ten inch Paixan guns forward, which are to traverse the greater part of a circle on a swivel; these two guns will be able to carry shot of one hundred pounds weight. The other 16 guns will be of eight inch bore, and will carry sixty-four pound balls. The intention now is to bore out double for tified forty-two pounders for this purpose. This, however, may ultimately be abandoned, and eight inch ordinance, cast for this especial purpose, be adopted in their stead. She is to be barque rig, without yards on the mizen mast, and will, when afloat and ready for sea, in this respect much resemble that beautiful craft. The skill of her Naval Constructor, Mr. Lenthall, is supposed by judges to have been never more successfully exerted, and so admirably has her hull been moulded that all admit that as a sailing vessel she will stand at the head of the American Navy. Her spars, particularly the foremast and mainmast, which are of the same dimensions all the way up, are as heavy as those of a first class frigate; and she is so constructed as to be able to ship and unship her paddle-wheels with the greatest facility. The following are the dimensions of her masts, spars, &. :— :Feet. In. Lower Masts-Length of Fore and Main Masts 98 6 80 The distance from the spar deck to the truck of the main mast is one hundred and eighty-five feet. Whole length of bowsprit 53 feet-Outboard 36 feet. Jibboom.... Flying Jibboom 54 66 .55 66 31 24 66 66 ! On her upper, or main deck, all her guns are intended to be placed. A large space is left in the centre of the berth deck for the engines and machinery. There are two coal bunkers, each about eighty feet in length, and are situate on the larboard and starboard sides of the engines. Her com. pliment of men will be about two hundred, the berths for whom will occupy all the space on the berth deck, from the bow up to thirty feet aft of the foremast. Then comes the bulkhead of the engine-room and the coal bunkers. These bulkheads run aft, flush with the mainmast, all aft of which is reserved for the senior and junior officers. Below the berth deck, and from it to the keel, the frigate is divided into five compartments, by four water-tight iron bulkheads, which run athwart ships, and which would prevent her from sinking or filling, if by accident or in battle she should spring aleak. The bulwarks are cut away at the bow, to allow the two ten inch guns to traverse and play, and there are pieces hung by hinges as port shutters, which fit in these apertures, to give it the appearance of being built up solid. The whole reflects the highest credit upon the nation, constructor, builder, officers of the Yard, and all concerned in her. The following are the dimensions of the several boats attached to the Mississippi, and the number of oars that each will row: 0 31 6 94875574 46640306 10 12 5 6 10 4 8 8 0 Captain's Barge 32 First Cutter Second Cutter 1st Quarter Boat 2d Quarter Boat Stern Boat Small Boat Life Boat, built by George James 26 The Mississippi was launched on ways 320 feet long laid at a descent of seven-eighths of an inch to the foot.The great ship Pennsylvania, whose position this frigate occupied, was launched on ways at an inclination of threefourths of an inch to the foot. This will make a difference between the ways of the Pennsylvania and those now laid, of three feet four inches. The Pennsylvania did not slide into her element with that rapidity that please ship builders, and the desire was in this case to remedy that defect by giving her a greater descent.-Public Ledger. MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR BAGBY OF ALABAMA. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, 2 Tuscaloosa, April 19th, 1841. S Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives: The President of the United States having by Proclamation, bearing date the 17th day of March last, required Congress to convene on the 31st day of May next, and the period for which the members of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States from the State of Alabama, having according to the established usage of the Government, expired on the 4th of March last, and there being no provision in the laws of this State for the election of members of the popular branch of the National Legislature, before the first Monday in August next; I have considered it my duty under the power confided to me by the Constitution, to convene the Legislature, in order to provide by law for the election of members of the House of Representatives, at a time prior to the period fixed by the existing law, so that the people of Alabama may not be unrepresented in this extra session of Congress. I beg leave, therefore, to recommend the passage of a law providing for the election of members of the House of Representatives in the Congress of the United States, at the carliest period consistent with a free and ampl exercise of the elective franchise, which ought never to be abridged or impaired ; and in order to guard against a simi 316 MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR BAGBY OF ALABAMA. lar difficulty in future, the law had better be general in its character. It would be entirely superfluous to add, that requiring an The derangement of the currency is to be sure alluded to There is one other subject, connected with our relations to the Federal government, and with the public acts of a distinguished public officer, now no more, which nothing but an imperious sense of duty could, at this time induce me to notice. And I notice it with the distinct avowal that it is not for the purpose of attempting to inflict censure, much less to cast reproach on the acts or memory of the dead; but to awaken the living to a sense of the danger which threatens their rights and their principles. I allude to the appointment of those to high offices under the Federal government, whose deliberately formed, well settled, long cherished and often repeated political opinions upon subjects of vital importance are known to be at war with the rights and interests of the Southern people, the principles of Democratic Republican government, and the true theory of the Constitution. Whatever coloring or complexion may be put upon it now, history, stern inflexible history, faithful to its office, which is to make an imperishable record of the conduct and actions of public men, will not fail to pronounce impartial judgment on the propriety of appointing to one of the highest offices under the government of the United States, a man, who exerted those great talents, which seem now to constitute the wonder and admiration of thousands, in opposition to the honor and interest of his country, in the darkest hour of her peril. But this is not perhaps the proper time or a suitable occasion to inquire into the sufficiency of the reasons which, in the opinion of the President of the United States rendered it necessary to exercise the power vested in him by the Constitution, and to require an extra session of Congress to inquire with scrupulous vigilance into the opinions and qualifications of those he had selected to aid him in the adminisSince the performance on his part of the act tration of the government: or to scan the propriety of his public acts. which rendered it necessary in my judgment for you to assemble here, that distinguished individual has been suddenly cut off by the hand of providence from all participation in the affairs of men, and has ceased to be numbered among the living. And for one, whatever may have been my objections to his election, and they were strong, sincere, uncompromising and decided on principle, I am perfectly disposed to spread the veil which covers human imperfection, on all his errors, without pretending that he had more than falls to the lot of other men; to do him the justice to suppose that in his official acts he was governed by a patriotic sense of public duty; and to remember his virtues only. But while I cheerfully accord to a distinguished and departed citizen, honesty of purpose, and a lofty attachment to principles which he no doubt believed to be correct, I should be unmindful of truth and forgetful of all the principles, upon the sacred observance of which I believe our happiness as a people depends, did I not distinctly aver that in political sentiments, so far as his have been expressed, or are to be inferred from his public acts, I differ with him, and most of those by whom he was elected, in almost every essential particular. And perhaps, after all, an honest difference of opinion candidly indulged, and confined within the limits of prudence, moderation and patriotism, affords the best guarantee for the continued preservation of our liberties and happiness. It is impossible to recur to the signal dispensation of an United States, without being forcibly admonished of the all righteous Providence in the death of the President of the extreme uncertainty of all the affairs of this fleeting and transitory life, and with the littleness and exceeding vanity of human ambition: and without being solemnly impressed with the momentous weight of the awful and instructive truth, that success in the accomplishment of the highest objects of earthly gratification, is but another step to that eternal and unchangeable state, to which magistrates and people are alike hastening; and where no distinctions are recognized but those that flow from excellence and virtue. What, is to be the effect of this unexpected event upon the administration of the affairs, and the general policy of the government of the United States, for the remainder of the period for which General Harrison was elected, time, the great unfolder of events, can only determine. The Vice President elect, will of course, according to the Constitutional provision upon that subject, succeed to the |