In

you

think life worth preserving an hour. I only want a friend, and a case of pistols, to prove to this fellow, and to the world, that I am as brave a man as ever was born. I NOW CALL UPON YOU TO SEND ME A FRIEND AND A CASE OF PISTOLS; not sawhandled ones; and you may rely upon it that I shall give Smith as good a lesson as ever he got. deed, you have a right to stick to me in this case. You will find me as brave as a lion. What if come down here yourself and be my friend? I should do you honour. This fellow has been set at me, because I put down all the fellows in Carlow. And is it not a pity that any stigma should be flung upon me, when I am so well able to take my own part? Do, my dear friend, assist me, and you shall see how nobly I will act. If Dillon Browne was in Dublin, he is a fine hearted fellow, and would come down here if you called on him. I do not like his pistols, they are saw-handled-I like the roundhandled best. I at once throw myself upon you, and I ask you, as a friend and an Irishman, not to allow me to be trampled upon, when my heart is as truly brave as the heart of any man living.

"If Somers was in Dublin he would do it for us both. Just look at the noble position it would place any man in to be my friend on such an occasion. Would Clements do it for you? Can you

not find some one in Dublin to stand by me? Where is Rick O'Connell? If he has one drop of the old doctor's blood in him he would fly to me. Is there no Kerry man to be found that would act for me? Do, do be up and stirring. I depend upon you, otherwise I am ruined for ever. Come to me, or send some friend to me; or, if not, I am undone, and the Orange faction will have an everlasting triumph. Never allow it! I know you will work for me or come to me. God bless you, and believe me ever yours,

"WILLIAM JOHN O'CONNELL."

This appeal, malgre the desperate valour that inspired every line of it, was unheeded by the person to whom it was addressed; and the election passed off unenlivened by a sanguinary fracas.

Notwithstanding the efforts of the Repeal party at Carlow, they were beaten at the poll by a small majority. They had, however, effected a vast change in the zeal of the constituency. On the previous election, the Tories had been returned by a majority of 167; their majority was now reduced to nine. And had it not been for a few unexpected defections from the camp of Repeal voters, who yielded to their fears of vengeance from their landlords, the Tory candidates would have been in a minority.

CHAPTER XXX.

Influence of Toryism on the Repeal-O'Connell's Remarks on Religion in Ireland and France-Respective Influences of Democracy and Absolute Monarchy upon Religion-Catholicity in Scotland-Troops by Steam-O'Connell's Reply to the Threat-Paul Jones-O'Connell on Religious Persecution.

Ir was not easy to create any lasting depression of O'Connell's spirits. When defeated in the contest for Dublin, he said, "I fretted away all my fretting last night-I've got rid of it now." And he declared in Cork (for which county, as well as for Meath, he was forthwith returned), that so far from being discouraged by the Tory victories at the hustings, his motto was, "Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito." We often conversed on our political prospects. His hopes of ultimate success were sanguine. He would not despond for one moment. It was his constitutional impulse, as well as his policy, to look at the sunny side of things.

"This resumption of power by the Tories," said

he, "will help on the Repeal. We will now have many good recruits."

"I rather think not," said I. "Men will stand aloof. They will be afraid to join us. The Tories will put Orangemen upon the Bench, and the fears and self-interest of timid men will make them shrink

from agitation."

"You are quite mistaken," said he. no law against our agitation."

"They will make one," I replied.

"There is

"You'll have

an Algerine Act to put down the Repealers."

"Bah! The rules of the House would enable me for one session to defend Ireland against any such attempt."

"But not for two sessions," said I.

66

By the end of the first," rejoined O'Connell, "the iniquity of the attempt would have accumulated around me such a strong reinforcement of the friends of freedom, that they could not dare to pass such an act."

"I doubt that very much," said I. "Our Irish agitation will be such a formidable obstruction to Peel, that he will try to put it down at all hazards. And as the friends of freedom, I place no reliance at all upon the English portion of them. They will look on with great composure at an effort to gag us, in which a great many of them will secretly sym

pathise. Do not you remember their conduct in 1833?"

"Now," said O'Connell, ፡፡ my view of what is probable is so different from yours, that I dare say Peel won't even try coercion. I do assure you that I fear his affectation of liberality and moderation much more than his direct hostility."

"His supporters will make him try coercion."

66 Oh, he will try the appearance of candour and liberality. But even if an Algerine Act were passed, I could agitate under it. We could have constant separate meetings. And under the Coercion Bill of 1833, I got up an association for charitable purposes. Peel's great Irish difficulty will be to restrain the excesses of his hot-brained Orange friends here."

One day I met at O'Connell's house M. l'Abbé Le Grand, a Parisian clergyman, who called on him to solicit his support to a Catholic journal. The state of religion in France and in Ireland was talked of. O'Connell said that the agitation of the Irish Liberal party had long been looked on with great suspicion at Rome, where the word "liberal" was held to be akin to " atheist."

"I do not wonder at their mistake," he continued. "In France, the party who called themselves 'liberal,' openly assailed Christianity, and laboured to