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required by the armies. Large stocks of cocoanut oil, hay and timber were supplied. The whole power of the Buckingham and Carnatic Mills was devoted to the manufacture of khaki and cloth required by the army. The Anglo-French and Coimbatore Spining and Weaving Mills produced puggree cloth and dussoties. The Bangalore Woollen Mills supplied army blankets. The Chintadripet tape weavers supplied khaki webbing. Leather waist coats, shoes, tents, charcoal, coir-roping, minor fittings and articles of metal and wood tatties and miscellaneous stores were supplied in great quantities for the use of the armies in Mesopotamia and elsewhere. CONCESSION TO SEPOYS

The Government directed that where possible grants of land not exceeding five acres in wet or ten acres in dry should be made to applicants who had served in His Majesty's Fighting Forces during the War.

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The Government have also directed that the claims of men who have served in the war should receive special consideration in filling up appointments in Government service. In order to provide as many posts as possible in Government service for sepoys returning from the war, officers were forbidden to make permanent appointments to vacant posts carrying a pay of Rs. 15 and less pending the return of sepoys from the war.

REWARDS FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICES The Government are now preparing to grant inams to Indian officers and other ranks for distinguished service in the War. Such inams will be given not only to officers and fighting men who have rendered distinguished services but also to regimental followers and men of the army bearer corps whose conduct deserved a special reward. Land worth Rs. 3,500 will, where possible, be given to sepoys who have rendered distinguished service. The land will be held free of assessment for two lives if it is not alienated or mortgaged. Even after the expiry of the period for which the land was granted free of assesssment the inam will continue in the possession of the heirs of the grantee subject to the ordinary ryotwari assessment so long as they behave loyally. The extent of the inam to be granted to an officer is twice that granted to the sepoy, while a non-combatant who is to be rewarded for distinguished service will receive half the inam granted to a sepoy. Where lands cannot be granted a money allowance payable for two lives will be granted instead. The amount of the allowance will be Rs. 5 per month to a combatant soldier who has rendered distinguished service. An officer who is entitled

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to the reward will receive Rs. 10 per month and a non-combatant entitled to a reward will receive Rs. 2-8 0 per month. These rewards will be in addition to any pay or pension to which the recipient may be otherwise entitled. It is believed that about 900 persons in this Presidency will

receive such inams.

RELIEF TO SOLDIERS WHO HAVE SUFFERED IN THI
WAR AND THEIR FAMILIES

The Government have ordered that the children of soldiers who died or were disabled during the war shall be admitted without school fees into all primary and secondary schools maintained or aided by public funds and that the cost of the school books needed by them should be paid from public funds.

Besides this relief is now being granted to soldiers who have been crippled and to the families of soldiers who have lost their lives in in service. A sum of Rs. 3,30,000 has now been allotted from the Imperial Indian Relief Fund to be distributed for the relief of the dependants of soldiers who lost their lives on service during the

war,

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A sum of Rs. 300 will be given to the families which have been left altogether destitute. T families whose need is less, a some of Rs. 250 or Rs. 200 will be granted according as the family is very poor or able to support itself. Besides the sum of Rs. 3,30,000 thus granted for the relief of families of men who lost their lives in the war a sum of Rs. 200 is being paid by the Military "authorities from the Imperial Indian Relief Fund to each soldier who has received serious wounds These grants are in addior injuries in the war. tion to any other allowances or pensions received by the soldiers or their families. Indian officers who have been seriously wounded and the families of officers who have died will receive Rs. 50 in excess of the sum granted to Indian soldiers and their families. It is intended that the money thus granted from the Indian Imperial Relief Fund shall be distributed to the persons entitled to the relief during the peace celebrations in

December 1919.

The Rupee Fund, the headquarters of which are in Madras, is even now collecting money to send to the Indian Imperial Relief Fund and other organizations for the relief of those who suffered The money collected for this fund will be available to give relief to wounded sepoys and to the families of those who lost their lives in the War if they should hereafter need helpPublicity Board.

in the War.

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BY

MR. TAKER S. MAHOMADI, M.A., LL.B.

HE present industrial activity in India must be very pleasing and gratifying to all who have the good of India at heart. The companies that have sprung up within a few months after the signing of the Armistice is legion and if only the number of concerns floated were a criterion of a country's progress, there would be nothing but to rejoice over it. Unhappily there are other considerations, which however we may make-believe, force themselves on our minds and make us pause and look before and after. It is nearly a decade that a similar movement was engineered with the greatest zeal and was supported and applauded by the vast bulk of the people. Those were the days of almost militant Swadeshism and it had all the fervour and glow which comes of a cause which has behind it popular sentiment spurred on to a white fury by events which had moved the inmost feelings of the people. Swadeshism was then but an expression of a people's exasperated sentiment.

But with all this backing what was the result? Numerous projects launched with the best wishes and aspirations in the world failed because they had not the foundations on which alone a firm and stable edifice of industrial and commercial prosperiety can be built up. Nobody had the courage to raise another institution on the ruins of its predecessors for credit was shaken at a time and occasion when it was imperative that it should have received the greatest possible support and encouragement. This helplessness, with a few insignificant exceptions, continued until the great name and enterprise of Messrs. Tata & Sons enabled them to launch successfully the Tata Industrial Bank. But even this great firm has not been able to shake itself free from the heritage of a sad past and has to requisition European agency, no doubt to secure confidence in its management and efficiency in its working.

Various promising factories were started which with a modicum of business ability, ordinary honesty and a little foresight would have proved to-day valuable assets in the industrial regeneration of India.

But the tale so often heard and lamented was to be repeated-the agents' avidity for profits outgrew their sense of responsibility and fair

dealing and the result was, as it must be in the the long run, the enterprizes failed helplessly, ruining thousands of innocents in their crash, and sadder still, dragging down the name of India in the realm of organisation and commercial morality. There was a decided set back and the country had to reap the whirlwind. Public memory is proverbially short and in the whirl of time such things are soon forgotton and we are again on the threshold of a vigorous industrial revival. This time, extraordinary circumstances, (it must be ages before such others recur,) have come to our help. It would be pertinent therefore, to ask if we have laid firmer and better foundations this time.

For industries to bave a firm and lasting foothold in a country the following are essential :

(1) Proper and adequate scientific training must be possessed by those who manage and run the concern.

(2) The promoters must not be mere fortunehunters but men possessed with a due sense of responsibility and moreover supplied with sufficient data based on their knowledge of the peculiar conditions under which they are to work, together with a thorough insight into the markets of the world with reference to that particular industry.

(3) The organising capacity viz., the ability to. produce their geods at the least possible cost and to place them just where and when they would be most in demand.

(4) Straightforwardness and the building up of a reputation for reliability and the maintaining of a definite standard in the production of their wares. (5) A never ending quest for better and superior methods of production and a ceaseless effort to improve the finish and quality of their products.

It is true that some of the considerations here advanced may not have much bearing at the present moment. Many industries may get a fair start without the assistance of these things which in ordinary times have an abiding influence on their successful working. The Great War has been responsible for such upheaval in the political, social and commercial relations of the world that is would not be safe to count much upon the assistance that these extraordinary conditions may afford to any particular sphere of national

activity. The great curtailment of foreign competition owing to sudden and insistent demand for war materials and the embargo placed by the most progressive countries of the world on their usual exports and imports have given an opportunity for home industries to get possession of some of the markets in the country. But with

the settling down to normal conditions and the reappearance of foreign, principally European and American, manufactures the future does not look as easy as we might desire.

vals of two months. One or two consignments were received but soon after the war broke out and the commodities under the above contract rose to fancy prices. The English firm could have easily pleaded war conditions and enhanced their rates. They did nothing of the kind. At a heavy sacrifice they carried out the terms of the contract to the full. What wonder they are able to command the markets of the world ! Again it is alleged that labour troubles in the west and the great rise in wages would give an advantage to Indian industries in that the cost of production would be so much less here. No doubt labour, in India, is comparatively cheap but-is it proportionately cheaper than what it has been in the past? As against increased wages in the west you have to put down improved condi tions of living, a higher level of intelligence (due to education) better vitality (result of military training and outdoor life) and a decreasing cost of supervision. While here in India it is acknow ledged on all hands that the vitality of the people is undergoing a steady decline, sickness is on the increase, the general standard of efficiency has not risen any higher, neverthless there is a decided upward tendency in wages. Add to this the ever present possibilility of new inventions by which western manufacturers can reduce the cost of production and successfully compete with countries where labour is cheap and raw materials abundant. When India enjoys the inestimable boon of com plete fiscal autonomy much of what has been said above may lose its force but until that happy day arrives-and who can tell when that day will dawn?-it behoves us to do all we can to reduce the chances of failure to a minimum. India can have a bright future before it, because it possesses every species of raw materials, the people are everyday rising to a greater and greater sense of nationality and are keenly anxious of their coun try's salvation, if only the men at the helm could keep their hands steady and steer straight and true. SULTAN KUTUB-UD-DIN AYBEK

Some people argue that India can look on with equanimity as to her industrial stability because firstly, there is a growing Swadeshi feeling in the country. True it is that people have been buying more Swadeshi goods, but-is that because they are Swadeshi products or because other goods are not available as could be had at prices higher than they are willing to pay. To belittle the Swadeshi movement would be foolish but at the same time to give it an exaggerated importance and to build our hopes on that unstable and shaky foundation would be dangerous indeed. Persons of position and standing who may be expected to know the temperament of the communities to which they belong have often asked the unaffected question: "what will become of Swadeshi goods when superior and cheaper articles are imported from England, America and Germany? Who will buy them ?" Sentiment apart, it is a question which requires thoughtful attention and immediate action. In the absence of protective tariffs, India's industrial salvation lies in the adoption of up-to-date methods of business and organisation but most of all on and a higher code of commercial morality than a superior what appears to be prevalent in the country. An instance small in itself but full of meaning may be apposite here. A merchant in Bombay sent orders for the supply of a large quantity of manu factured articles to an English firm, the goods were to be shipped in certain quantities at inter

BY PROF. ATULANANDA SEN

ORRECTLY speaking Kutub-ud-din should not be called the first Pathan King of Delhi, though he has been called so by many eminent historians, e.g., Dow, Shahbuddin etc. Muhammad Ghori was the founder of the Pathan Dynasty in India. not live in India, and as he was always solicitous But as he did for the welfare and advancement of his own country, I am disposed to look upon his able

lieutenant, Kutub-ud-din, who made Delhi his home, as the first Pathan sovereign of India.

We are quite in the dark as to the parentage of this illustrious man. In his boyhood he was brought from Turkistan to Nishapur, where he I was sold to its Governor, Fakhr-ud-din Abdul Aziz. Kutub-ud-din grew up in the service and society of his master's sons, and learnt to read the Koran correctly. In a short time he became an

adept in archery and horsemanship. When he almost reached manhood he was taken by some merchants to Ghazni and sold to Muhammad Ghori. It is not clear whether he was sold by his master or by his master's sons. Some historians are of opinion that his master sold him to a merchant, others hold that his master's sons made him over to a merchant for a sum of money. This merchant hearing of Muhammad's passion for the purchase of slaves took him to Ghazni and sold him to Muhammad Ghori for a considerable amount. Whatever the truth may be, I am inclined to believe that after giving him a good bringing up and after lavishing upon him fatherly care and affection he never thought of getting id of him in return for a paltry sum of money, because his master was a rich and powerful governor. Besides, slaves were often dearer to many Muhammadan chiefs than their own sons. Even in ancient Rome slaves and favourites were given thrones in preference to sons eg, Servius Tullius, B. C. 578-535 "In the east a slave is often held to be better than a son." [Lane-Poole, Saladin pp. 22,23]. So the probability is that after his master's death, his master's sons, who had grown envious or rather afraid of this accomplished and manly Kutub-ud-din sold him to a merchant. As regards his personal appearance, some historians say that he was exceedingly beautiful, and it is for this that the epithet Ay bek i.e, "MoonLord" was conferred upon him. [Lane-Poole, p. 65; Keene, p 40]. Others are of opinion that he was not a handsome looking man, as one of his little fingers was broken, and so he was called Aybek" ie, maimed in the hand." | The Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 513].

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Kutubuddin soon attracted the notice of his new master, Muhammad Ghori, and succeeded in establishing his hold upon his good will and affections. His liberality was well known from the outset of his career. He was an ordinary and poor man at that time. But he did not hesitate to distribute his share of the gifts of money which his master had conferred upon his servants at a banquet held by him to the Turki soldiers, guards and other servants of Muhammad Ghori.

This incident, insignificant as it was, paved the way for his future greatness. On hearing of this the Sultan became highly pleased and appointed him to a responsible post. His promotion was very rapid from now, and in a short time he became Amir-i-Akhur. [Lord of Stables.] [The Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 514].

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Ghias-ud-din and his brother, Muhammad, were now involved in a war with Sultan Shah, who wanted to make himself master of Khorasan. In this war Kutub ud-din displayed great valour, though he fell a prisoner into the hands of Sultan Shah on account of a small force under his command. But after the defeat of Sultan Shah by his master Kutub-ud-din regained his liberty and accompanied Muhammad Ghori to Ghazni. Soon after this Kutub ud din was appointed Governor of Kahrain. Such is the early career of the first Pathan King of Delhi. We cannot withhold our tribute of admiration from Kutub-ud-din, who by dint of consummate generalship and unalloyed loyalty, rose from an obscure position to the acme of power and glory. Let us now turn to his achievements in India. the battles which were fought between Shahabud-din Muhammad Ghori and Prithviraj, and which extinguished the independence of India, Kutub-ud-din displayed conspicuous gallantry. After the conquest of Ajmir, Muhammad Ghori left for Ghazni leaving Kutub-ud-din as his representative in India. In 1191 Kutub-ud-din marched to Mirat and occupied it. He appointed a Kotwal to take charge of the fort, and all the Hindu temples were turned into mosques. He next invaded Delhi and captured it. Here also all Hindu temples were destroyed. On receipt of the intelligence of a revolt in Rantambor Kutub-ud-din departed for that place and suppressed it. He accorded an impartial and kind treatment to the people, who lived happily. After this he returned to Delhi and was soon invited to Ghazni by his master. At Ghazni he was loaded with splendid honours, and many banquets were held in honour of his arrival. Here he was taken ill. On his recovery he left Ghazni and his master conferred upon him the government of Hindustan. it was at this time that he married the daughter of Taj-ud-din Yaldoz, another slave and high officer of Muhammad Ghori. On his return to Delhi he received the homage of both high and low, and there was plenty of rejoicings and merry making. After a brief stay at Delhi Kutub-ud-din marched towards Koil, between the Jumna and the Ganges. The celebrated fortress of Koil fell into his hands. Many Hindu soldiers were converted to Islam, and those who refused to renounce their faith were put to the sword. The invading army carried away immense booty.

In 1194 A. D. Muhammad Ghori returned to India, and with his viceroy, Kutub-ud-din,

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Jai

inflicted a crushing defeat upon Jai Chandra, tha
Rathore King of Kanouj and Benares.
Chandra was killed in this battle, and was thus
amply punished for his narrow-minded jealousy
and short-sighted policy. Immense booty fell
into the hands of the conqueror. After the
capture of Benares the victors destroyed hundreds
of temples, and mosques without number were
erected on their foundations. Many converts
were made to Islam. They (Muhammad Ghori
and Kutub-ud din) now received the allegiance of
many Hindu chiefs. A Muhammadan officer of
rank and repute was left in charge of the city
and
with instructions to repress idolatory
to accord just treatment to the people. After
this Kutub-ud-din returned to Koil and entrusted
its government to a high officer, Hisam-ud-din
Ulbak. He meted out a very kind treatment to
the people of Koil. The defeat of Jai Chandra
was of great importance, because it extended the
Muhammadan dominions into Behar, and opened
the way into Bengal. Soon after his return to
Delhi Kutub-ud-din marched into Ajmir to quell a
fresh revolt there. It was thoroughly suppressed.
He destroyed many temples here and arrested the
spread of infidelity. Robbers were punished and
life and property became secure, and oppressed
people were relieved of their distresses. In 1196
Muhammad Ghori returned to India. Muham-
mad and Kutub-ud-din marched towards Biana,
west of Agra, and captured it. The chief of
Biana, Kuar Pal, was deprived of his territorries,
though his life was spared. The people promis-
ed to pay him a tribute. "The country was
purified from the defilement of infidelity, and an
opportunity remained for opposition and re-
bellion." [Elliot, page 227, Vol. II]. The
government was entrusted to one Tughril.
The royal army next marched towards Gwalior
and besieged the fort. The Raja of the place,
Rai Solankh Pal, was filled with alarm and sued
for pardon. He was allowed to retain his fort
on condition of his paying a tribute to the Sul-
tan. After this the master went home and the
Viceroy came back to Delhi. In 1195 Kutub-
ud-din invaded Gujarat and captured the Capi-
tal, Anhalwara, and after thoroughly ravaging
the province returned to Delhi. The conquered,
both high and low, received a just and generous
treatment. In 1202 Kutub-ud-din proceeded to
Kalanjar and beseiged the fort. The Paramar
chief submitted to him and was allowed to retain
his territories on condition of paying an annual
tribute to him. But soon after his death, his
Dewan, Ajdeo, revolted. But he was defeated

and his fort was taken. Elephants, cattle,
countless arms etc., fell into the hands of the
victor. Many temples were destroyed, and in
their places many mosques were erected, and the

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very name of idolatry was annihilated." [Elliot, page 231]. The government of Kalanjar was entrusted to a Muhammadan, Hazabbaruddin Hasan Amal. After settling the affairs in Kalanjar, Kutub-ud-din went to Badaun in Rohilkhand. While he was there Bakhtiar Khilji, the conqueror of Oudh, Bihar and Bengal came and did homage to Kutubuddin. He next returned to Delhi, Muhammad Ghori was assassinated by a band of Gakkars in 1206. After his death his nephew, Muhammad Ghori became Sultan and he sent the title of king and the insignia of royalty to Kutubuddin, to be held under him. But India really became an independent Kingdom after the death of Muhammad Ghori and after the death of Muhammad India had no connection whatsoever with the countries beyond the Indus. After the death of his master Aybek excercised all the powers of a full sovereign. He issued coins in his name. His chief exploits were achieved during his viceroyalty, and he had little to do after becoming the independent king of Delhi. After a brief reign he died in 1210 from a fall from his horse whilst playing polo, a very popular sport in India and Persia.

Kutub-ud-din was an enlightened, just and capable ruler. He received a very good training while he was a slave of the Governor of Nishapur. According to Dow and Briggs " He made a wonderful in the Persian and Arabic progress languages, and all the polite art and sciences." The Tabakat-i-Nasiri, page 512 foot note 8.]

He was not only a scholar himself, but was a promoter of learning. He patronised great scholars. His reputation for erudition and literary tastes was well-known in India even before his accession to power. He promoted learning by establishing hundreds of mosques, which were centres of both religion and learning.

Ferishta speaks highly of his administrative capacity and his proficiency in the art of war. From what I have said already it is clear that he was a consummate general and a valiant soldier. He always won splendid laurels and never met with a reverse on the field of battle. The suc cesses of Muhammad Ghori in India were largely, if not wholly, due to the prowess and military tactics of Aybek.

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Unlike many distinguished Muhammadan generals Kutub-ud-din had always a deep sense gratitude, and even his detractors cannot accuse

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