の DR. S. SUBRAMANIA AIYER AND MRS. ANNIE BESANT. Whose birthdays were celebrated on October 1, by their many loving friends and admirers. The Powerlessness of Parliament In the September issue of the Review of Reviews Major David Davies, M. P., deprecates the abject position to which Parliament has now been reduced and traces its causes and likely remedies. This is, in his opinion, due to three great tendencies: the hegemony of the Executive, the triumph of the Whips, and the decay in the debating power of the private member. Orders in Council and departmental instructions form the body of legislation at present and Parliament is not even a registering machine. All power has now passed into the hands of the chosen few, over whom is the Prime Minister, at present a virtual dictator. The Premier has developed a cynical contempt for the House of Commons, very rarely attends the sessions and scorns the opinions and views of the elected seven hundred. In his famous adjournment speech in the Commons, in his totally ignoring the Irish question, in his comprehensive statement of policy, in his callousness in keeping an armed force of 60,000 men in Ireland ready for action, and in his flouting of the House of Commons on the agricultural question, Mr. Lloyd George has given provokingly striking evidence of his absolute contempt for Parliament. The chief factor which helps this uncontrolled power is the existence of a tiny, but all-powerful executive. If, therefore, Parliament is ever to regain its power and influence, a properly constituted cabinet must replace that small autocratic body. The system of collective responsibility must be re-established. The predominent power which the Whips now enjoy is another of the causes for the downfall of Parliament. The Whips manage every division and members have practically no opportunity of giving free vent to their opinions. The introduction of the closure rule had already silenced the views of members; and now another agent has been added by the present system of Grand Committees, which greatly helps the bureaucracy to increase its control. Major Davies proposes two remedies for enhancing the debating power of the private member-the imposition of a time limit on speeches and the adoption of Devolution. The latter, he thinks, is bound to come; the increasing work of the Parliament will, in course of time, necessitate the granting of Federal Government to England, Scotland, and Wales, thus relieving the House of many domestic matters, The Indian Situation A writer in the September number of The Round Table describing the present position of affairs in India devotes some attention to Afghan affairs. Amir Amanullah who began the war unprovokedly was erroneous in his calculations regarding the co-operation of the frontier tribes ; and the ill-success of his early military operations convinced many of his advisers of the wisdom of playing a waiting game. But British æroplanes, wireless and high explosives revolutionised the frontier warfare in a manner very much disconcerting to the Afghans. The attitude of some of the border tribes was such as to offset in some measure the disconcerting effect upon the Amir of his defeats in the field. He no longer hoped for victory, but for sometime expected to disguise defeat. The peace that was ultimately brought about on August, 8, was not effective, in the opinion of those who are advocates of the forward policy. But the English have no desire to fetter the independence of the Afghans and would wish to make the Amir as good a friend of Great Britain as his father was before him. The outburst of popular passion in the Punjab surprised and terrified those who were responsible for exciting it. The policy of Government with reference to the Rowlatt Act and the Martial Law regime in the Punjab, is regarded by the writer as the only one possible under the circumstances. But he adds that "every Englishman must acknowledge with profound thankful. ness the deep seated loyalty of the mass of the Indian people." Two lessons are to be learned from this crisis. (1) Government should, of necessity, take systematic steps to enlighten public opinion not merely as to its motives but also as to the very action which it takes (2) Political reforms must be hastened on as fast as possible, so that the most enlightened and progressive elements in the country may find an outlet for their energies and have a chance of co operating with the Government The first effect of the outbreak of disturbances was to cause the rally to Government of the more sober elements in the country. This process, the writer thinks, was enhanced by the stern suppression of disorders. The ultra Extremist press declares that the question of constitutional reform is secondary to the holding of an exhaustive inquiry into the Punjab affair. Holland's International Policy M. C. Van Vollenhoven, writing in the Political Science Quarterly (June, 19) traces the diplomatic history of Holland since her resurrection in 1813. Holland has always evinced in the past century an extreme. disinclination to meddle with the numerous and monotonous European intrigues about power, change of power, combination of power and balance of power. But Holland certainly took her proper part in international affairs, if some higher international interest needed her support. She took an honourable part with Great Britain in the suppression of the Algerian piracy in 1816; and in 1863 co-operated with Britain, France and the U. S. A. against a hostile daimio in Japan; and in 1900 willingly joined in the action by 11 powers against China to maintain International Law against the Boxer uprising; and in the same year offered President Kruger a safe transport to Europe. By maintaining her detachment in other affairs, she has failed to gain partisans and has been criticised for the honest dulness of her course. But after the Franco-German War of 1870-71, Holland joyfully entered into the international policy of Europe; and the efforts of her statesman C. Asser resulted in a series of Hague Conferences on private international law. She also made a number of comprehensive arbitration treaties, the most advanced examples of the kind-with Denmark, Italy and China, and was the first European country to conclude a Bryan Treaty for the advancement of peace. The first International Peace Conference at the Hague resulted in the establishment of the Hague Arbitration Court; while second and followed in 1907 and 1913. a third But these could not grapple with the real peace problem, the real disarmament problem. a war the circumstances under which this neutrality had to be observed were very disappointing. In January, 1918, a large group of influential Dutch representatives of commerce, industry, navigation and science established an international Intermediary Institute to furnish gratuitously full information on international questions of law and economics to citizens of any country or colony. When the Paris Peace Conference was convened the democratic Dutch alone, of all small nations, felt much too proud to hold out to the conference a beggar's bowl. Indian Reforms and the Station Club The Station Club is an old Anglo-Indian institution the importance and influence of which are peculiar. The right to call oneself a member of this club is a greatly desired privilege; and Indians and even Eurasians are at present, to all intents and purposes, excluded. This club-exclusiveness is regarded by some as pure snobbery and racial arrogance. A writer in the Contem porary Review for September, expresses his views as to the effect on the Club of the Indian reforms. The grant of the King's Commissions to Indian officers has been supposed by some to carry with them certain ill-defined but thoroughly understood social privileges in the club life. Sometimes the action of clubs in excluding the Indian officers seems to be ill-advised; but "it shows the temper of the Englishman--he is not going to be driven, merely to make things easy for the politician." The present exclusiveness of club life is a pity, because it precludes the opportunities of Europeans mixing on terms of friendly equality with the higher classes of Indians. But the strongest and most reasonable argument for the present attitude is that the club is the one place of general meet ing for English society after the day's work is done and to a large extent replaces the English home. The aloofness of the European is the cause of many troubles, but at the same time it enables the maintenance of the people's belief in his impartial justice. "And it is just possible that we may be paying a little too dearly for an incorruptibility." A closer relationship would bring about a better understanding of the pecu liarities and idiosyncracies of either side and would go far to smooth over such difficulties as now exist. The Indians themselves show a great exclusiveness and State action can do almost no When the great War broke out, public opinion in Holland was trained and educated in international thinking, still opposed to entangling alliances of the old type, but prepared for international organisation and ready to see the nation take its share in the international work of the future. In the course of the vigorously stood up, observing scrupulously its Holland treaty engagements and the binding provisions of international law. Were it not for this deeper motive for its neutrality, the nation's perfect unanimity would have been incomprehensible and inexplicable. Both the belligerent parties were convinced that Holland's neutral policy had nothing to hide or even to disguise. However, thing to remedy the situation. Anything like pressure or dictation will be deeply resented and may prove injurious to both sides. Bolshevism in Esthonia Two centuries back, under Peter the Great, Esthonia came under Russian sway; and it was the first country to obtain the longedfor independence after the Russian revolution of 1917. The people formed an Esthonian diet which was elected by universal suffrage, but this was dispersed first by the Bolsheviks and afterwards by the Germans. After the Germans were forced to quit the country, the Esthonians under the most difficult conditions raised an army of volunteers to defend their homes against the hordes of Lenin and Trotsky. The future of the country is almost assured, and the people will never give way to Bolshevism, nor will they give up their independence. Of the Esthonian exports, flax, timber and spirits deserve mention; while dairy-farming is well-developed. The real future of the Esthonian commerce lies in the shipping trade and Esthonia is the only outlet for Russia to West Europe. A new periodical known as The Fsthonian Aeview was recently started in London for the sake of readers who are directly interested in the Baltic question either from a political, military or from an economical standpoint. The first number which reached us recently contains an article on the Bolshevik effect on Esthonia. The Esthonians fully realise that Bolshevism amounts to nothing more than pure militarism and they are fully acquainted with Bolshevik methods. Under a Bolshevist regime, wage earners and peasants are those who suffer most, since the wealthier classes have managed to emigrate in time. Esthonians had to suffer also from the Baltic German barons who have for centuries tried to suck the blood of an ambitious and industrious nation, and who now gave up the land purposely to Bolshevists. The League of Nations scheme should protect Esthonia; and we are all proud that Britain has taken the first step towards crushing Bolshevism, by her practical action in giving Esthonia help in her hour of need. And it is on Britain that Esthonia pins her faith. Britain knows that if Reval, the principal Esthonian port, falls into German hands or into the grip of the Bolsheviks, the Baltic trade will be closed to her. Esthonia tolerates Poland as a buffer state between Russia and Germany, but hates Germany; and with memories of happier times through which she had lived whil under Swedish rule, she welcomes the advent of any protector who will aid her of Pol-havik and Germa, dominater The Positivist Faith Mr. Philip Thomas, in the current number of the Positivist Review describes the essentials of the Positivist faith in a very convincing manner. Positivists hold to the conviction that a pressing need of the times is a human, rational, demonstrable religion offering men a high and constraining purpose in life. Men have out-grown the orthodox religion of Christianity; as in our free judgment the doctrines in which it finds its sanctions are negatived by the fullest knowledge and maturest philosophy of the age; and belief in its doctrines is incompatible with the natural use of our faculties of observation and reflection. The old religion was largely a matter of insurance in regard to a future world, with its possibilities of reward and punishment. The Positivist creed is but a religion of an altruism, of reverence for man's past, and hope for his future in this life and world, combined with a strenuous call to service and sacrifice in the present. But men are not yet in the mood to substitute a religion of social devotion for one of personal advantage. Auguste Comte is the founder of the new religion and Congreve was its first preacher in England. Comte had the passion of a savior of men; and his striving was for the moral uplift of humanity, giving rise to a new enthusiasm, carrying with it a strong and fertile desire for advancement by ways of justice and enlightIts teaching gives the fullest scope to man's powers of observation reasoning and adventure and it is a striving for a Positivist reformation in religion; that man's life shall be redeemed from ignorance and misery and his mind freed from superstition and filled with love of humanity. enment. At present its critics have nothing worse to say of Positivism than repeat the false old story that it proposes to find in the writings of Comte a final, infallible word. This is sheer nonsense. It can only be said in ignorance of one of the first principles of Positivism, which lays down that all teachers and all teaching must of necessity be relative to the time, place, and circumstances in which they come forth. In Positivist philosophy there is no such word as finality, for it recognises that fresh truth is ever coming to light, that the wells of human inspiration will never run dry as long as human beings are born, every babe bringing with it the potency of new revelation and power. Further, it is true to say that Positivism is in harmony with the Socialist spirit of the time, though not committed to all its expressions. If Positivism be not synonymous with Socialism, it stands for Sociocracy, and this Mr. Frederic Harrison has defined in the course of his new work "On Society,' as an organisation of the State based on the collec. tive interest of society. The District THE INDIAN REVIEW In the course of an article on the above subject in the current issue of the Asiatic Review Sir J. D. Rees makes some very interesting remarks. Taking Madura, with which he was chiefly concerned while in India, as a typical district of India, he emphatically denies any truth in the statement of Sir William Hunter that the majority of the people of India never know what it is to thoroughly satisfy their hunger. He claims to have intimate knowledge of the conditions of the masses and has no hesitation in giving the lie direct to the above statement. Litigation, he says, is the pastime of the people of Madura who regard it "much as an Irishman regards political opposition." Incidentally, Sir John takes the opportunity of declaiming against the non-Brahmin movement in Madras: The Maharajah of Mysore, a non-Brahmin ruling prince, lately pointed out to an anti-Brahmin deputation that it is impossible to penalize those who have made the best use of the opportunities afforded by the educational system we have given to India, and have rendered themselves more than competent to retain in the future the positions they have always held, under all the Governors of India, of an aristocracy of intellect no less than of birth and position. Would you rule out of Government appointments in England graduates of Oxford, Cambridge, London and other Universities? Would you deprecate the employment of boys educated at Eton, Harrow, the City of London and other public schools? True, these birds of a feather may have a disposition to hang together, but would you pass them over in favour of other lessendowed classes? It would be impossible. Neither can you advance the cause of democracy in India by announcing as an inducement a carriere ouverte aux sans talents. Moreover, some class must predominate in the early days of any democracy, as the Whig magnates did there. By degrees, however, democracies become democratic, and that will no doubt happen in India as elsewhere. Meanwhile, if any class is to predominate at present, the best endowed intellectually is the best fitted to lead, and will, on the whole, be more readily accepted by the people-being also that which comes at the head of their social and religious system-than any other, however loudly such may exclaim, and however deftly they may try to turn the present political situation to their own advantage." The Police, he thinks, are very unfairly traduced. The majority of the members of the force are Indians, but, curiously enough, the Indian National Congress pours unmeasured condemnation on them. Then as regards the effect of the proposed Montford Reforms on the administration of the District, Sir J. D. Rees thinks that the proposal [OCTOBER 1919 to make the Panchayat a living force goes farther than any previous recommendation on the subject. The Reforms, he thinks, will tend more and more to remove the official influence to which the local boards and municipalities are now subject and will completely democratise them. But in his opinion they alone are not enough to bring about that devout consummation. There must be reform in the hearts of the people and a new and larger spirit must be cultivated. Elected chairmen should, wherever possible, be called upon to run the Boards without any official interference. Substantial elected majorities should be conceded and every power of taxation within legal limits given. It may lead to inefficiency in the beginning, "but nothing can be done, no advance can be made, and the policy of Government-the announced, declared, and by Parliament approved, policy of Government-cannot be carried out at all, unless this risk is run and freely run." Queen Victoria and France the Prof. R. L. Rait, writing in the Quarterly Review (July, 19), describes how even before she began to reign, Queen Victoria became interested in France and the French and secured the friendship of Louis Philippe through the medium of her uncle, the king of the Belgians. Throughout the dispute over the revolt of Mehemet Ali against Turkey, when France adopted an attitude antagonistic to that of the other powers, Queen impressed upon her ministers the necessity of avoiding anything which might irritate France. Though the cordiality of these relations cooled during the controversy about the Spanish marriage question, the Queen received the French king on his exile in 1848 with great kindness and hospi tality, but at the same time fully appreciated the necessity of avoiding any suggestion of political sympathy with the Orleanists in France. The coup d'etat of Louis Napoleon in 1851 was a shock to her; but her correspondence clearly shows that she was not hostile to the new imperial French government, if it should satisfy the French people. Napoleon III's policy in the negotiations that closed the Crimean War seemed to show too tender a regard for Russia; and, in the years which followed the increase of French armaments, created an alarm similar to that which in recent years was inspired by Germany. The Queen imagined that Napoleon would in a short time gain the mastery of the continent and challenge Great Britain. In 1863 she addressed to Napoleon a solemn warning against any |