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expressed their view that in the new order of things the younger generation in Britain ought, and will be proud, to play a helpful though not a disproportionate part in our future. The

members of the Committee have displayed a lively desire to learn and an enviable degree of patience. It is practically certain, if one may

judge from appearances, that the second thoughts of the Government of India will not be translated into action; but we shall wait with anxious expectency to see whether the Joint Committee will recognise that there are many movements of national existence when prudence may be synonymous with courage.

The British Public and Indian Aspirations

BY DR. D. S. RAMACHANDRA RAO, M.A., M.D.

hasten to respond to the inivitation of the editor to state briefly the present attitude of the British Public with regard to Indian Aspirations. Within the limits of time and space at my disposal, I find it impossible to treat the subject adequately even from any onepoint of view. But the importance of the subject is the only excuse I have for rushing into print.

At the out set it should be owned that the British public is very sympathetic to Indian aspirations at the present day. The war has made all the difference in the world. Hitherto, the British people, being absorbed in their own interests were indifferent to the interests of India. The press was silent with regard to India except when it desired to further the spirit of imperialism! The topical problems of India, even those that had stirred her to her depths from time to time, were either ignored with scant notice taken of them or relegated to the domain of disloyal Movements and Sedition. The platform to was inclined to be one sided, favouring the interests of the bureaucracy in this country. Of course the vested interests had a heading. Even those who were interested in India from the religious and social points of view erred on the side of constantly painting the dark side of Indian life to get the sympathy of the Christian people. Thus there came about a state of feeling in which indifference and ignorance alternated with contempt and pity for India.

But the part played by India in the war-her spontaneous and unswering loyalty in the death struggle which the British Empire has just passed through, her liberal contributions in men, money and munitions, the valour of her armies on the battle field and the magnificence and the munificence of her princes, struck the imagination and stirred the heart of the British people. The man in the street has now come to realise that there must be something good in a country which could put forth such an effort. Just as the world

began to take note of Japan's power and influence soon after the Russo-Japanese war, so also the British people have come to form a different opinion of India after the stand she had taken in the late world conflagration. There is as yet only a vague feeling in England that India should be treated fairly and that Justice should be done to her. But it would need time and effort to give direction and definiteness to that goodwill. It is the purpose of this paper to show, however inadequately, how this object may be attained.

It was therefore not to an unsympathetic parliament that Mr. Montague delivered his message as to the future government of India, the other day. Both the press and the public welcomed the changes proposed as if they had been inaugurated none too soon! I believe that Lord Morley himself, while he was the Secretary of State for India, desired to introduce a bill which would have set her (India's) feet on the path to Home Rule, but he dared not to attempt it since he was not so sure of the sympathy of the parliament and of public opinion to support him.

On the other hand Mr. Montague's bill, as it stands, has in a way, the support of the country. Everybody who is acquainted with British Politics knows that so long as the House of Commons owes its allegience to Mr. Lloyd George the bill stands the chance of being passed, with perhaps a few alterations and additions here and there. In all probability there would not be much whittling down of the Montford Scheme either. It is of course taken for granted in England that the bill is only a first instalment of reform-a pledge of bigger things to come. There is naturally a difference of opinion as to the precise form the first instalment should take. Appetite grows with eating just as much as stringiness increases with keeping. Anyhow, the bill when passed, would not be so revolutionary as to set the Thames or the Ganges on fire! The British people are conservative by nature, and

When

therefore one fells thankful to find the political machinery move in the right direction. once the thing gets started, it is bound to keep on moving steadily, though perhaps slowly, for the British people are inclined to look forwards rather than backwards. It is to India's interests to see that the progress is maintained and continued more rapidly in the future than in the past. It needed the greatest war the world has seen to quicken Britain's conscience with regard to India and to induce the British Statesmen to declare a policy of fair play for a dependent country-but it would need all the heroism, nerve and gigantic effort which peace conditions permit, to realise in full measure the good things that are ours by right.

The members of the Indian deputation have done good work in London and in the provinces, in focussing public opinion on the Reform Bill. Their task is no doubt done, but the work for India has scarcely been begun. The Reform Bill is only the first step in the right direction, and it is a far cry from Home Rule. If Indian patriotism does not stop short of the ideal of Home Rule within this generation, there is plenty of work to be done in England during the next few years.

I do not, for a movement, minimise the importance of the work that has to be done in India. I am convinced that India must work out her own salvation. But under the present circumstances our political salvation depends on the goodwill of Britain. Unless one advocates

recourse to brute force, which God forbid in the interests of both the countries, the ultimate destiny of India is in the hands of Britain.

With the experience of over twelve year's residence in Britain I have come to the conclusion, that in spite of the waves of imperialism and jingoism that not infrequently perturb the placidity of British life, and in spite of the materialism and commercialism which occasionally coarsen British thought and action, Britain is at heart democratic!

It is our duty to try and enlist the sympathies of the democracy in our favour. No British Statesman would risk his position and reputation by introducing a bill for the Home Rule for India, without making first certain that he has the support of the country and of the parliament. We have yet to create public opinion for India in Britain. Our chances of getting Home Rule depend on the possibility of carrying the British public with us,

But it must be owned that nothing has hitherto been done to popularise the cause of India in Britain. The British Committee of the National Congress in London, could not do much in

that

direction owing to lack of funds, of men and of opportunity. Their organ The India, has a much wider circulation in India than in England. The man in the street has not yet heard of its existence, and its influence in England is negligeable. To tell the truth, even at the risk of giving offence, we as a nation have been playing the fool, neglecting our oppor tunities and expecting others to do our work!

Somehow we have not carried on our propaganda But the work with any zest in England. present movement seems to be most opportune i.e., to strike the iron while it is hot. The British people have not yet forgotton the war nor the services rendered by India to the cause of the British Empire. The labour party is favourably disposed towards India. It is too soon yet to say what attitude that party would adopt towards India, should it ever come into power. At the Universities the students, both men and women, are more than ever alive to the contribution of India to literature and philosophy and are eager to study and appreciate them on their own merits. The liberals are on the whole with us, though they have hitherto lacked the courage to stand by us on any momentous issue. The Women voters are very sympathetically inclined towards our aspirations--but we have to convince them that we are willing to give our women political freedom when we get it ourselves.

and the labour promises But the labourers are

The field for work is vast to yield substantial result. few. It is not given to every Indian to draw large appreciate audiences in England. Indian eloquence and oratory do not produce any lasting effect on the people. British psychology is essentially different from Indian psychology. The political workers in England from India ought to study British psychology before they embark on their enterprise. Many Indians who wish to work have not the required qualifications for the task: the few who can work have not the

means

resources.

to carry on the work on their own The expenses of lectures are very high in England. It is up to India to provide the money required, and I am sure there are a few men and women in this country who can with study and perservance come up to the required

standard before long.

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The evidence collected by the Joint Committee reveals the extra-ordinary hold that the movement for constitutional reforms has on all classes of people, interested in the political advancement of India. Nearly all Deputations have urged more or less the same reforms and as Mr. Surendranath Banerjea pointed out in a recent interview: "We differ about the pace, hardly about the method, for we are all in favour of diarchy." Except a microscopic minority of die hards like Sir Michael O'Dwyer and Sir Harry Stephen of the Indo-British Association and its associates in India there was hardly a dissentient note in the general chorus of welcome that was accorded to the proposals for the liberalisation of the Indian Government. The Deputations have urged with singular unanimity that the element of responsibility should be introduced in the Central Government and that without fiscal freedom the efficacy of the reforms would be much impaired. It is satisfactory to note that some European officials and non-officials agree with the Deputations in urging these improvements. Lord Carmichael and Sir Michael Sadler and Sir Stanley Reed-men whose knowledge and experience of India invest them with singular authority-lent the weight of their approval to these improvements. Even officials like Sir Archdale Earle and Sir James Meston put in a vigorous plea for broadening the scope of the reforms in diverse ways. In the following Symposium we give select exerpts from their evidences as also from the speeches, interviews and memoranda by leading Indians and Europeans. We are also indebted to Mrs. Besant's new weekly, the United India, for the views of the Hon. Mr. Sastri and others. [Ed. I.R.]

H. H. The Aga Khan

As an ideal he preferred Self government on the American federal plan or Swiss lines, but he recognised that India's future was linked with Britain, and responsible government must be the way towards evolving some such plan more suited to countries of great states such as India would become. He looked forward to the day, when through referendum and initiative the electors would fully surpervise their representatives. Dualism could not be a permanent solution, but it was difficult at present to imagine any other coherent scheme for the transitional period. A two-thirds majority vote should be needed for the removal of a minister. The Governor's power to disregard the opinion of the ministers was desirable at present as a safeguard from the British point of view, but he doubted the practical utility of such a power. He was of opinion that the best guarantee against hasty, unfair or partial legislation and the best protection for the Governor himself would be a referendum. He thought that the proposed restrictions on the financial and legislative powers of the Legislatures were unnecessarily severe so far as Bombay and Bengal were concerned. Legislature should certainly be empowered to vote supplies. The Grand Committee method of securing essential legislation might be necessary for the first few years, but thereafter the natural constitutional solution of dissolving the House on important occasions, when the policy of the administration was

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cessfully challenged, should be resorted to, and a referendum should be used where only one measure caused friction. He did not entirely accept the position that the time had not come to give the Legislative Assembly a measure of control over the Central Government. For example Publie Works and Education could be handed over to a responsible Minister at the Head quarters without unduly fettering the Government of India in the discharge of its responsibilities. He accepted the bicameral plan for the Central Government although he did not favour it in principle, since it might retard true Federalism, but he protested that the composition of the Second Chamber was too official and inadequately representative. He thought that the modifications in the powers of control of the Secretary of State and the Viceroy over the Government of India and the Provincial Governments respectively should be given definite statutory expression and that a period of ten years between the investigations of Statutory Commission was too long. He preferred seven years. The Bill left far too much to rules to be made hereafter. Less scope should be left for the exercise of personal inclination or party prejudices by successive Secretaries of State or Viceroys. The report of the Southborough Franchise Committee was seriously defective in two respects, firstly in regard to the non-enfranchisement of women and secondly because it totally ignored the referendum, a modified form whereof was necessary even at present.Evidence before the Joint Committee.

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