Political

The Anglo-Persian Agreements. A White Paper (Cmd 300) has been published in London, containing the text of agreements signed by Great Britain and Persia at Teheran on August 9, 1919. The agreements now concluded are the result of negotiations which have been proceeding for nine months.

Of the two agreements one is political and aims at binding more closely Anglo-Persian relations and promoting the progress and prosperity of Persia. To these ends Great Britain agrees. To respect Persian integrity;

To supply experts for Persian administration;
To supply officers and equipment for a Persian
force for the maintenance of order;
To provide a loan for these purposes;
To co-operate with the Persian Government in
railway construction and other forms of
transport.

Both Governments agree to the appointment of
a joint committee to examine and revise the
Customs tariff,

The second agreement defines the terms and conditions on which the loan is to be made to Persia. The loan is for £ 2,000,000 at 7 per cent., redeemable in 20 years. It is secured on the Revenues and Customs' receipts assigned for the repayment of the 1911 loan, and should these be insufficient the Persian Government is to make good the necessary sums from other sources.

Article 5 of the 1911 agreement is included for purposes of reference. Of the letters, which both bear date August 9, one assures the Persian Prime Minister of British co-operation in securing revision of treaties actually in force between the two Powers, compensation for damage during the war, and the rectification of frontiers; and the other states that Great Britain will not claim from the Persian Government the cost of maintaining British troops in Persia for the defence of her neutrality, and requests that Persia in turn will not ask for compensation for damage done by the troops in Persian territory.

The Russian Question.

The Supreme Council has considered the Russian question and has agreed with the British policy of evacuation and has declared itself as being against. intervention. The Russian people must settle their own future, provided that they respect their neighbours' rights.

The Indian National Congress. The following is the proposed constitution of the British Committee of the Congress.

(1) That the name of the Committee shall be The British Committee of the Indian National Congress.

(2) That the object of the Committee shall be to act as the Executive in the United Kingdom of the Indian National Congress.

(3) That the General Committee shall consist of an unlimited number of members, with power to add to their number, who accept the objects as defined in Article one of the Congress Constitution and the Resolutions passed by the Congress.

(4) That there shall be elected annually an Executive Committee, of not more than 12 members of the General Committee, who shall meet as often as they consider desirable and we shall have the powers of the General Committee between its meetings.

(5) That the Executive Committee shall elect a Chairman, and Vice-Chairman, Treasurer and Hon. Secretary.

(6) That the President and Ex-Presidents of the Congress, not being Government servants who still co operate with it, and all delegates sent by the Congress to this country shall be Ex-officio members of the Executive Committee.

(7) That the expenses of the Committee shall be defrayed by Annual Grants from the Indian National Congress.

"Increased Salaries."

With reference to the recent increase of salaries of the various Imperial Services in India the Indian Social Reformer has the following note of warning:-" One seldom hears the words 'retrenchment' and 'economy' in connection with public expenditure now a days in India. But the need for the thing is all the same urgent." Referring to the way in which salaries are being increased in the superior ranks especially of the services recruited in England the former adds: "In our opinion the prospects of the success of the Reform Scheme are gravely imperilled by the measures. We hope some one will be able to obtain from the Government in the Indian Legislative Council or in parliament, the amount of total increase in salaries as the result of the various 'reorganization' schemes. It looks almost as if we are being asked to purchase the first step to responsible Government by "compensating the services in hard cash."

About fifty persons attended, among them Mrs. N. C. Sen, Dr. T. Ram, Mrs. Ram, and Miss Ram of Mexborough, Yorkshire; Dr. Pardhi; Thakur Shri Jessraj Singhji Seesodia; Mr. Hardaynath Kunzru, of the Servants of India Society; and Mr. Gupte, of the Deccan Sabha, Poona, Indian students came from the various British Universities and Inns of Court.

Letters expressing regret for inability to attend, and wishing success to the Conference, were received from the Rt. Hon. Lord Sinha, the Sahibzada Aftab Ahmed Khan, Sir Mancherjee M. Bhownaggree, and Messrs. Madhavarao, Sastri, Patel, Kelkar, and others.

A correspondent to the Commonweal writes that the first paper at the session was read by Mr. Kunzru, who suggested what the Conference could do to meet the needs and difficulties of the Indian students in Britain. Mr. Azim (of Cambridge) discussed the problem of social and economic reconstruction in India. Mr. Banerjea (also of Cambridge) dealt with the subject of night schools in India as a means of solving the problem of mass education in our country. Mrs. Sen made an earnest appeal for the education of women and the uplift of the depressed classes, suggesting that the methods employed by the Christian Missionaries (excepting, of course, proselytisation) be adapted to our needs. Mr. Mullik (of Oxford) drew attention to the irresistible force exerted by saintly men devoted to the cause of their country's emancipation. Mr. Sundram (of Glasgow) sketched the prospects of Indian agriculture.

At a business meeting the provisional constitution framed last winter at Ilkley was revised. Many contributions were made to the central fund opened last year to ensure the stability of the Conference and it was placed in charge of two trustees elected for the purpose. managing committee was also elected, and the retiring Secretary, Mr. Advani, was unanimously appointed the Honorary Representative of the Conference in India,

A new

Don'ts for "Demobs."

Sir Herbert Morgan writes in the Daily Mail. Don't depend on the bureaucrats. They're busy keeping their own jobs.

Don't offer yourself as "capable of filling a position of trust." It means nothing-every position is one of trust.

Don't forget to make up your own mind about the job you want. Then go "all out" to get it. Trying for jobs will help to train you for business. Don't stop.

Don't think the country is not grateful; It's only forgetful.

Don't forget your regimental association or the Appointments, Board of your university they are human organisations.

Don't look for large pay. Look for great opportunity.

Don't overlook the old saw about the merry heart. Grousing doesn't pay.

Don't rely on letters of introduction. Wait till you see how they work.

Don't despair. Realise your capacity and look for the helping hand where you can best help yourself.

Don't apply for highly paid jobs to be obtained by investing capital. They only last till your money is exhausted,

Don't give up answering advertisements for positions vacant as long as your stamps hold out -then deliver your applications.

Power to command men is a great asset. Don't forget you must have knowledge to use it. Don't base your salary on your requirements, but on your ability.

Don't talk of the

Always show the man to whom you apply the value of your services to him. value of the job to you.

Don't discuss hours and holidays, but show eagerness to work.

Don't ignore the job you had before the war; it may be the best for you now.

India's Services.

Writing of the march of the Indian troops through London, the Daily News says:— The full facts concerning India's part in the war have not been realised by the British public. In the history of the world no Empire has been able to take pride in a record to compare with that of British India since 1914.

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HILE the appointment of Lord Sinha to the office of Under Secretary of State for India and his elevation to the Peerage have filled his countrymen generally with pride and satisfaction, the unique eminence of his position has in a few quarters in this country exposed him to petty-minded criticism. His abilities and his services to the country have been spoken of in disparaging terms and it has been suggested that his preferment has been due to his good fortune rather than to his merits. The publication of his speeches and writings* with a sketch of his life and a collection of the tributes that have been paid to his worth by the press and by distinguished public men is very timely and has to be welcomed for more reasons than one. It furnishes the public with a considerable volume of materials for an appraisement of his worth and his services.

Of Sinha the advocate, people outside Bengal had not heard much till he was appointed as Standing Counsel. He had, however, been steadily making his way to the top of the profession by his ability, hard work and force of character. When he was appointed Advocate-General of Bengal in 1908, it was generally recognised that there was no one in the Bar on whom the honour could have more worthily fallen. He had the reputation of being a thoroughly good, all-round advocate and lawyer with remarkable gifts of persuation and lucid presentation. While failure at the bar is no indication of want of merit and may be due to lack of opportunity, steady and conspicuous success and professional esteem can only be achieved with high intellectual gifts and character. Mr. Sinha's appointment as AdvocateGeneral proved a natural stepping stone to his appointment as the first Indian Law member of

No. 10.

the executive council of the Government of India. He had found little time to take part in the political life of the country before he was appointed to this high office. The profession of law is a very jealous mistress and leaves but little leisure for continuous public work. It is no doubt true that many lawyers in active practice have also been active politicians at the same time, but it will be found that in the majority of cases the time required for public work has been found at the expense of professional work for which the lawyer has been paid and at the sacrifice of the interests of his clientele. Sir. S. P. Sinha was never a politician in the vulgar sense of the term and judged by the crude tests that are often applied of the number of platform speeches or attendance at congresses or interpellations in the council Sir S. P. Sinha would have fallen below the mark. But if a man's capacity or worth is to be judged by the opinion of those most competent to judge and the way in which he has acquitted himself in the discharge of the duties and responsibilities of high political office, Lord Sinha must оссиру a high place in the estimation of his countrymen. Lord Sinha never sought office, but high offices sought him. Much, if not most, of the work done by a member of the government, is done in the privacy of office or of confidential deliberation in council and under a bureaucratic administration not responsible to the people the actual work of a member of government can seldom come before the public. That the work of Lord Sinha must have been of a high quality is sufficiently attested by his appointment to the high offices of trust and responsibility and on the important and delicate mission of representing this country at the War and Peace Conferences. How zealously he watched and safe-guarded the interests of India has been handsomely acknowledged by his colleagues who had an opportunity of seeing his work, Lord Sinha's mental endowments