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The story of the Pandit's many tours and wanderings throughout the country in aid of funds for the University must be known to all who have watched the progress of this movement. How he toiled night and day, how he gave up his large and lucrative practice at the Bar in his labours for the establishment of the Hindu University are too well known to be recounted here. The enthusiasm of the country at large and the sincerity and the earnestness with which Pandit Madan Mohan toiled hard to bring the institution. into existence, obtained for it the necessary funds and the Government of India took up the matter seriously to give it the charter

which it so well deserved. In Lord Hardinge Pandit Madan Mohan found a sincere friend of India and no time was lost in introducing the Benares Hindu University Bill. On the 22nd March 1915, the Hon. Sir Harcourt Butler moved for leave to introduce the Bill. Pandit Madan Mohan whose labours in the cause of the movement have been quiet and unobtrusive made a speech in welcoming the Bill and he took the occasion to proclaim more that though the University would be a denominational institution, it would not be a sectarian one:


It will not promote narrow sectarianism but a broad liberation of mind and a religious spirit which will promote brotherly feeling between man and man.

Since the establishment of the University the Pandit has been working unceasingly for placing it on a proper basis. When last year the unexpected demise of Pandit Sundar Lal created a vacancy in the office of ViceChancellor, Pandit Madan Mohan's name was uppermost in the lips of the electors, but he who had been working for years subordinating his name and fame would not accept the office but insisted he should be allowed to work for it in his own quiet and unostentatious manner.


Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya is now nearly growing grey in the service of his motherland. He has achieved a great reputation as a politician of high calibre and character. But in view of the swift change in the attitude and temper of the people towards politics and politicians, he too might share the fate of his life-long fellow workers; but whether this happens or not and whatever judgment may be passed on his political work, men of all shades of opinion will agree that the Hindu University of Benares is a fitting monument to his noble and selfless endeavours for the cause of his country.

Madan Mohan Malaviya's Speeches.-An up-to-date collection including the Delhi Congress Presidential Address and the full text of his lengthy minute on the Report of the Indian Industrial Commission. Cloth bound. Price Rs. 3. To Subscribers of "I.R." Rs. 2-8.

G. A. Natesan & Co., Publishers, George Town, Madras.


HE position of Indian immigrants in the Colonies has been the cause of great difficulties both in the Dominions themselves and particularly in my own own country, India. As long ago as 1897, the late Joseph Chamberlain, in addressing the Conference of Colonial Premiers made a stirring appeal on behalf of the Indians who had emigrated to the Dominions. The same appeal was made in 1907 by Mr. Asquith, and in 1911. During all this time India was not represented at the Conference, and it is only due to the India Office here to say that they did all they could to assist us. In 1911 the Marquess of Crewe, as Secretary of State for India, presented a memorandum to the Conference, which says:—

'It does not appear to have been thoroughly considered that each dominion owes a responsibility to the rest of the Empire for ensuring that its domestic policy shall not unnecessarily create embarrassment in the administration of India.

'It is difficult for statesmen who have seen Indians represented only by manual labourers and petty traders to realise the importance to the Empire as a whole of a country with some three hundred million inhabitants, possessing ancient civilisations of a very high order, which has furnished and furnishes some of the finest military material in the world to the imperial forces, and which offers the fullest opportunities to financial and commercial enterprise. It is difficult to convey to those who do not know India the intense and natural resentment felt by veterans of the Indian Army, who have seen active service and won medals under the British flag, and who have been treated by their British officers with the consideration and courtesy to which their character entitles them, when (as has actually happened) they find themselves described as 'coolies,' and treated with contemptuous severity in parts of the British Empire. Matters like this are, of

course, very largely beyond the power of any Government to control, but popular misunderstandings are such a fruitful source of mischief that it seems worth while to put on record the grave fact that a radically false conception of the real position of India is undoubtedly rife in many parts of the Empire.

'The immigration difficulty, however, has, on the whole, been met by a series of statutes which succeed in preventing Asiatic influx without the use of differential or insulting language. It is accepted that the Dominions shall not admit as permanent residents people whose mode of life is inconsisent with their own political and social ideals.

'But the admission of temporary visitors, to which this objection does not apply, has not yet been satisfactorily settled. If the question were not so grave, it would be seen to be ludicrous that regulations framed with an eye to coolies should affect ruling princes who are in subordinate alliance with His Majesty, and have placed their troops at his disposal, members of the Privy Council of the Empire, or gentlemen who have the honour to be His Majesty's own Aides-deCamp. It is, of course true that no person of such distinguished position would, in fact, be turned back if he visited one of the dominions. But these Indian gentlemen are known to enter. tain very strongly the feeling that, while they can move freely in the best society of any European capital, they could not set foot in some of the dominions without undergoing vexatious catechisms from petty officials. At the same time, the highest posts in the Imperial services in India are open to subjects of His Majesty from the dominions.

'The efforts of the British Government to create and foster a sense of citizenship in India have, within the last few years, undoubtedly been hampered by the feeling of soreness caused by the

general attitude of the dominions towards the peoples of India. The loyalty of the great mass of Indians to the Throne is very conspicuous fact, and it is noteworthy that this feeling is sincerely entertained by many Indian critics of the details of British administration. The recent constitutional changes have given the people of the country increased association with the Government, and have at the same time afforded Indians greater opportunities of bringing to direct notice of Government their views on the wider question of the place of India in the Empire. The gravity of the friction between Indians and the dominions lies in this, that on the colonial question, and on that alone, are united the seditious agitators and the absolutely loyal representatives of moderate Indian opinion.'


This, Sir, was in 1911, three years before the war; and if the position was correctly described then, you will conceive with how much greater strength the same observations apply to the present position as between India and the dominions. Of course, since 1911, so far as South Africa is concerned, many practical grievances which then existed have, I gratefully acknowledge, been removed, but there are still many others outstanding. Those are referred to in the Memorandum which has been circulated to the Conference, and I trust my friends, Mr. Burton and General Smuts, to whose statesmanship South Africa, including all its inhabitants, owes so much, will be able, on their return to their own country, in process of time to remove all, or at any rate some of the grievances to which I refer. I recognize that it is a matter of time. I recognize their desire to remove those grievances, in so far as there are grievances, and I appreciate the difficulties of getting any legislation through their own Parliament for that purpose; but at the same time I hope the matter will not be lost sight of, and that an early consideration will be given to matters

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which have not been the subject of agreement between us on this occasion.

But, Sir, so far as the outstanding difficulty of India is concerned, I am happy to think that the resolution which I now propose before the Conference, if accepted, will get rid of that which has caused the greatest amount of trouble both in Canada and in India. There are now about 4,000 or 5,000-I think nearer 4,000 than 5,000 Indians in the Dominion of Canada, mostly in British Columbia, I think-in fact, all in British Columbia; and the great difficulty of their position—a difficulty which is appreciated in India—is that these men are not allowed to take their wives and children with them. Now the resolution, in paragraph 3, removes this difficulty-that is to say, if it is accepted and given effect to-and I consider that that will cause the greatest satisfaction to my countrymen, and particularly to that great community of Sikhs who have furnished the largest number of soldiers during this war, and to whom these 4,000 men in Canada belong.

The principle of reciprocity, which was accepted by the Conference on the last occasion, is again referred to with approval, and effect is to be given to it immediately as regards some of the most urgent matters concerned.

I have read from Lord Crewe's Memorandum, Sir, the ludicrous position which now exists with regard to Indians of position visiting the dominions. That position will be altogether altered if the Conference accepts the second part of the resolution which I propose—namely, that 'British citizens domiciled in any British country including India, should be admitted into any other British country for visits,' and that the system of passports now in existence be continued, which would prevent any influx of undesirable labour population.- Speech at the Imperial War Conference in support of the Resolution on Reciprocity.

The End of the War

The Round Table for December 1918, explains how the complete military destruction of Prussia was brought about. First in describing Germany's failure in the East, we are told that the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the group of treaties which centred round it were designed to fashion from the Eastern border-lands, viz., Finland, Esthonia Livonia, Courland etc., Ukrania and Roumania, partly a strategic barrier and partly a political or social barrier against the westward flow of Russian revolution. This border country was to open the way for Germany and a new channel for the Drang Noch Osten was to be opened up across the Ukraine to the Black Sea, the Caucasus, Armenia etc. Neither Finland, nor even the Baltic districts would be settled under Prussian rule direct or indirect. In the Ukraine the Germans fostered a spurious nationalism and set up a puppet government under the control of their own military chiefs, but they found themselves in inexorable conflict with the mass of the population. In Roumania, the southern terminal of the barrier-line, force alone maintained the typically Prussian settlement. The rapid decline of German prestige, the stiffening of the Bolshevik military organisation, the occupation of the Siberian railway by the Czecho-Slovak army, the landing of the Allies at Vladivostock and Archangel and the rallying of the forces of order in Russia-these left the Germans dependent on a victory in the west as the only means of consolidating their position in the east.

The debacle in the South East, in the Balkans and nearer Asia, was the next step in Prussia's destruction. So far from conquering Egypt, the Turks were hard pressed on their defensive-in Palestine and Mesopotamia, while the Allies at Salonika and the Greek democracy, inspired and led by M. Venezelos, prevented a complete subjugation of the Balkans. The latent conflict of

ambitions between Bulgaria and Turkey broke out into an open quarrel; and Turkey went so far as to lay claim to spoils like the districts of Kars, Ardahan and Batoum in Transcaucasia, which Germany had marked for her own. The Turks, losing Bagdad and Jerusalem, confronted with Bulgarian claims in Thrace and with the arbitrary German seizure of the Russian Black Sea Fleet, determined to strengthen their hold upon the Caucasus-which was the strategic key to the doors of the Middle East and the bridge between the Turks of Anatolia and the Turks of Central Asia. The basis of German power in the South East was cut away by the defeats in the West, and the defection of Bulgaria. The destruction of the Turkish army in Palestine and the advance of General Allenby upon Aleppo were quickly followed by the capitulation of the Turks.

The dissolution of the Hapsburg Empire was the next step. The Empire could not save itself by satisfying the national claims of its peoples, because except the Magyars and the CzechoSlovaks, all the other nations like the Jugo-Slavs, Roumanians, Poles, Ukrainians and Italians would clamor to be united to their brethren outside the frontiers of the Empire. In all cases, national unity and self-government meant a social resolution-the transference of power from the landed nobility and gentry to the peasantry and artisans. It is this which finally bound up the fate of the Hapsburg crown with the cause of German-Magyar ascendancy and made futile all intentions of the Emperor of reconstituting the Empire.

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Thus all the external instruments of Prussianism had failed; because Germany no longer possessed the force to protect them from their enemies, or keep their subjects to herself. The end came, though with startling suddenness, when the German armies were driven back upon the frontier and the invasion of Germany itself became imminent.

Aristotle and Indian Logic.

Dr. Mahamahopadhyaya S. C. Vidyabushana writing in the last number of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, traces the development of Indian Syllogism from the time of Gotama, the traditional author of the Nyaya Sutra and the migration of the logioal treatises of Aristotle from Alexandria into India in the course of the years circa 175 B.C. to 600 A.D. Syllogistic reasoning was introduced by Akshapada who might have lived about 150 A.D., though he was by no means the first promulgator of the doctrine and not even its first disseminator. Syllogism had been perfected by Aristotle in Greece in the 4th century B.C. and was known even in India prior to Akshapada's time; and it is difficult to determine whether there is any genital connection between the Syllogism as propounded in the Indian Logic and that propounded in the Greek Logic. Of the four divisions of the Nyaya Sutra, viz., debate, the means of valid knowledge, the doctrine of Syllogism, and the examination of contemporaneous philosophical doctrines, the 1st, 2nd and 4th are undoubtedly of Indian origin. As to Syllogism some scholars are of the opinion that it is also indigenous, as it forms a part of inference, a kind of Pramana, which originated in India. But on investigation, it is found that Syllogism and inference are distinct in origin, though ultimately there was an amalgamation between them. The inference as illustrated from the Nyaya Sutra was in essence a guess or conjecture which was neither a source of absolutely valid knowledge, nor in any way connected with Syllogism.

It may be considered that the Syllogism promulgated in the Hindu Logic was greatly influenced by, if not based on Aristotle. The works of Aristotle were studied by the Greeks of NorthWest India (175 B.C.-50 A.D.) and the first trace in India of Aristotle's Syllogism is met with in the work of Charaka who was court physician to

Kanishka and who lived in the region of the IndoGreeks. Akshapada and Dignaga were inhabitants of Kathiawar and Conjeevaram respectively, which were centres of brisk trade between India and the Roman Empire in the early centuries of the Christian era, frequented by merchants and travellers from Alexandria. The Indian logicians, Dharmakirti and Uddyotakara seem to have been influenced by the Syro-Persian school of Gundeshapur established in Persia in 350 A.D., on the dispersion there of some of the best works of the school of Alexandria. The works of Aristotle were very well known in India during the first six centuries of the Christian era and on the fall of Alexandria before the Mahomedans, they found their way into Syria and Persia whence they reached the Arabic school of Baghdad about the beginning of the 9th century A.D. The presumption is that from the 3rd century B.C. to 1200 A.D. Aristotle's works were more extensively read and better appreciated in the East than in the West.

The Labour Party in England Mr. Henry Tompkins writes in the Positivist Review, (December 1918) about the Labour Party and the change effected in its outlook by the War. The necessity for the State to guarantee financial stability and assume large powers of control over great sections of industry is susceptible of being used as effective object lesson in Socialist theory. But at the same time the wielders of financial and industrial power have been largely able to control this State activity; and this should open the eyes of labour to the fact that the industrial and financial magnates have granted the shadow of State control to the workers, and held the substance in their own grip. The constant employment and high wages of large sections of workers have given them a new standard of living which they will seek to maintain. The apparent ease with which large sums of money have been raised for war purposes has

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