BY

T is useless to pass our days in vain regrets of what was or what might have been. The Musalmans have put a luminous page in history in consequence of their achievements in the arts of peace. I have already shown on historical authority how brilliant the achievements of Moslems of the past were in connection with arts, science and literature. There is nothing to prevent us, if there is the will, from reaching great eminence in these matters. The present state of things must be admitted to be in comparison quite deplorable, and it behoves us to find out the causes and to apply effective remedies, How backward our educational condition is can be gathered from the following statistics. I have collected these statistics for each quinquennial period beginning with 18861887, which synchronizes with the birth of the Mahomedan Educational Conference. selected this period with the object of showing what work has been accomplished during the last 30 years, and what amount of work still remains to be done.

PRIMARY EDUCATION.

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Taking primary education first there were in 1886-87 495,680 Moslem children in primary schools out of a total of 2,381,217. This gives a percentage of 21. In 1916-17 this number increased to 1,309,845 when the whole total had reached 5,818,730. Though the actual number of Moslem children at school has substantially increased, there is only a slight improvement in percentage which works out to a little over 22 per cent. It will be observed that during a period of 30 years the Musalmans have simply maintained their standard. The increase in numbers is practically on the same ratio as that of the sister communities, It is satisfactory to

find that the number of pupils in primary schools have been maintained at the same proportion as the Moslem population in India. If however we examine these figures from the standpoint of literacy in the community, the result is very discouraging. The Musalmans in British India have a population of about 60 millions and working out the figure at the recognised percentage of 15, the total number of Moslem children of school-going age is 90 lakhs. Out of these about 1,310,000 attend primary schools throughout British India leaving 7,290,000 children growing up in illiteracy. It is worth considering what kind of Musalmans these poor children will be when they grow up in ignorance without even a rudimentary knowledge in any of the vernaculars. Out of the total number of children of schoolgoing age only about 15 per cent will be literate in vernacular, while 85 per cent will grow up in ignorance,

SECONDARY EDUCATION.

Let us now examine the state of Moslem education in secondary schools. In 1886-87 there were 58,644 Moslem students in secondary schools while in 1916-17 the number increased to 172,392. This again shows progress, but not sufficiently appreciable as compared with the total population. I do not propose to show the vast discrepancy between the number of Moslem boys of the secondary school-going age, and the actual number attending the schools, as it cannot be expected that every Moslem boy of the age of secondary education should be at a secondary school. It cannot possibly be expected that every Musalman should be literate in English. The best form of comparison, therefore, is to examine the number of Moslem students in secondary schools as compared with those of other com

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munities. In the year 1916-17 the total number of students of all communities attending secondary schools was 1,186,335. Working out the number on the Moslem population of twenty per cent, Musalman students attending secondary schools should be 237,260 while the actual number is 172,392, or about seventy per cent of what it should be. This shows what an amount of leeway has still to be made up, if in secondary education the Musalmans want to come up to the same standard as that which has been reached by the sister communities.

COLLEGIATE EDUCATION.

When the statistics for collegiate education are examined the discrepancy becomes quite pronounced. In 1886-87 there were only 338 Moslem students in all Arts Colleges throughout India. In 1916-17 the number shows a substantial increase to 4,921. Here again I will repeat that much progress has been made, but whether it is commensurate or not must be examined in relation to the advance made by sister communities. In 1886-87 the total number of students in all Arts Colleges was 8,060 while in 1916-17 the number increased to 47,135. This shows that while the total increase consisted of over 39,000 students, the increase of Moslem students was about 4,500. The only way to remove the stigma of backwardness in education is not only to send the same proportion of additional students as the sister communities manage to do, but to send a sufficiently increased number to make up the original deficiency. Applying this test to the figures which I have quoted the following result is seen. In 1886 87 there should have been on the 20 per cent. basis a total of sixteen hundred Moslem students in Arts Colleges, while there were only about 350. This shows that they were backward to the extent of 1,250 students. In 1916-17 the total number of students of all classes as already stated was 47,135. Twenty per cent. of this number gives 9,427, while there were only 4,921 showing that the Musalmans

were backward to the extent of about 4,500 students. There is some improvement in percentages, but the discrepancy is still very great, and it is accentuated for the same reason which has been given in connection with secondary education, viz., the large population of depressed and backward classes who hardly send any student to Arts Colleges. The community has not only to make up the difference of 4,500, but also the further difference due to this cause.

EDUCATIONAL AWAKENING.

It must be recognised that the community is in earnest to make up the lost ground, and a strenuous effort is being made in many directions to progress further as rapidly as possible. There are signs of awakening in numerous directions, and the time and attention which are being devoted to the cause of education by many of the best minds among the Muhammadans is a very hopeful sign of future progress.*

There is a genuine awakening amongst the Moslems of India to be up and doing. The movement to establish a Moslem University at Aligarh, which evoked great enthusiasm at one time, has passed through many vicissitudes, but I am glad to learn that it has now reached a stage when the introduction of legislation to constitute the University may shortly be expected. The dream of Sir Syed Ahmed, the farsighted patriot who devoted his whole life to the educational uplifting of his community, is going to be shortly realized. His Exalted Highness the Nizam, that great patron of learning, has established a University at Hyderabad. There are other movements throughout India for establishing more colleges and high schools. All this connotes progress in the right direction.

SCHOLARSHIPS

In consequence of what little interest I have been able to take in regard to the progress of Moslem education in India, I have been impressed with the fact of the economic backwardness

of the community. There are many young men in our community who are most anxious to prosecute their studies but are unable to do so for want of funds. I feel confident that if a scheme for the financial help of deserving students was put in working order, and such help was judiciously distributed in the shape of scholarships, it would go a great way towards the educational progress of the community. I clearly realize the difficulties in the way of collecting subscriptions. As you all know there are many calls upon the purse of private individuals, and though deserving objects have ever commanded the support of the charitable, it may not be possible to collect a sufficiently large sum to fully meet the demand. There is, however, no cause for disappointment. In every province there are large charitable endowments amounting to large sums of money. When I was moving in the direction of legislating in connection with charitable endowments in this Presidency, I was informed on good autho

rity that amongst the Musalmans of Bombay city alone there were charitable bequests amounting to over two crores of rupees, a large part of which remained fallow and unutilized. Even assuming that this figure is a bit exaggerated, it shows what a huge sum of money is available throughout India in charitable bequests alone; and even if a part of this is utilized for the needs of the educational progress of the community, most of the financial difficulties in the way would instantaneously disappear. It appears desirable to organise an association to approach all those in whom these charitable endowments and bequests are vested, and to make a serious attempt to induce them to devote a part, if not the whole, of these funds to the promotion of education amongst the Musalmans of India. Even partial success in this direction will help towards the removal of one of the main difficulties in the path of Moslem educational progress.-From the Presidential Address to the Mahomedan Educational Conference,

HE prominent leaders of the Moderate party have issued a manifesto re-stating their position with regard to the MontaguChelmsford Reform scheme in view of important political events that have happened since the All-India Moderate Conference met at Bombay. The signatories to the manifesto include the Hon'ble Mr. Surendranath Banerjea, the Hon'ble Mr. V. S. Srinivasa Sastri, the Hon'ble Dr. Tej Bahadur Sapru, the Hon'ble Mr. C. Y. Chintamani, the Raja of Digapattiya, Sir Benode Mitter, the Hon'ble Mr. P. C. Mitter, Sir Nilratan Sircar, Sir Devaprasad Sarbadhicary, Sir Rajendra Nath Mukerjee, Mr. Prithwis Chandra Roy, Mr. Satyananda Bose, Mr. D. C. Ghose, Mr. C. C. Ghose, Mr.

session of the Indian National Congress has been held at Delhi, and it has come to public notice that the "Civil Service Associations." are in being, which are interesting themselves privately in the Reform Scheme from the point of view of its possible effect on the position of the Service in future. The speeches in the House of Lords show that the opinion, at least in the more conservative circles in England, has stiffened against the Reform Scheme, while the defeat of Lord Midleton's hostile motion by the narrow majority of four is a sign, the meaning of which will not, we ven ture to think, be over-looked by any one, nor can the result of the general election be said to have brightened Indian prospects. Several members of the last Parliament, who took a friendly interest in the cause of Indian Reforms, have failed to get seats in the new House. It is true that no responsible man has sought to go behind the declaration of the 20th August, 1917, and it may be assumed that the question of Indian Reform will not be shelved indefinitely, but the point of importance is that the Scheme put forward by the Secretary of State and the Viceroy should be embodied in an Act of Parliament in the course of this year, if possible, with the improvements and extensions which even its supporters think to be most desirable. Any attempt at whittling down the Scheme in response to the position in England and in India will be keenly resented and resisted to the utmost of their power by the most ardent of its supporters and the most moderate among the Indian politicians.

Just as we disapprove of all reactionary attempts, so also we deplore that the Indian National Congress should have passed resolutions which, in our opinion, not only amount to a rejection of the Scheme as it stands, but also lay down a course of action highly detrimental to the best interests of the country. We have in mind the resolutions passing a vote of censure upon the British Committee, and thus paralysing its activities at this juncture, sending a deputation to England with no discretion vested in it, but bound by a resolution of the Congress to advocate and press for a set scheme, and, lastly, putting forward three gentlemen as representatives of India at the Peace Conference, and thus raising a laugh in the country, since only the Governments, and not the unofficial bodies, like the Indian National Congress, can send such representatives.

That there should be a substantial transference of power to the people acting through the Legislative Councils is common ground to all Indian reformers. It is clear that the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme does propose a very good beginning in the desired direction, and it has the further merit of providing for the future the stages of progress towards the goal of complete Responsible Government. The Scheme is not perfect, and is capable of improvement in several important particulars. It is the duty of every Indian reformer to make the best endeavour he can to obtain improvements which will make the Scheme more conveniently workable and more adequate to the conditions and requirements of the situation in India. Nothing would have been more helpful to the cause that all Indians have equally at heart than they should have made a united endeavour to persuade the authorities to accept reasonable and practical proposals of improvement, on the basis of a common whole-hearted acceptance of the Scheme as far as it goes.

We consider it fortunate in the extreme that the attitude of antagonism assumed by a section of Indian politicians who, although far from representing the majority of their countrymen, have succeeded in organising for the present a majority in the Congress, which was founded and built up by wise and far-seeing patriots who had the correct political instinct and knew when to seize occasion by the hand, has rendered such united action impossible, and in consequence many old Congressmen, much against their will, had to abstain from the two Sessions of the Congress held in 1918, in order that they might be able to organise an effective support of the Scheme and also work in a friendly spirit for desirable improvements therein.

A careful survey of the political situation in England and in India in all its aspects leads us to think that it is a vain hope that the Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme will be altered beyond recognition, as the Congress wishes. We are persuaded that it is the part of wise patriotism, at present to accept the Scheme, to prevent its being narrowed or curtailed in its scope, and to seek for improvements that can be effected without its frame work being destroyed. We, therefore, feel ourselves compelled to say that we cannot endorse many of the resolutions that found favour with the majority of the delegates of the last Congress, or approve of their general attitude towards the Reforms. We must equally protest against every attempt, by whomsoever made and by whatsoever manner, at any mutilation of the Montagu-Chelmsford proposals.

We are constrained to utter a grave warning against the inevitable, disastrous effects of such a grievous mistake on the future relations of the British Government and the Indian people, which will result in discontent and agitation on the one side, followed by repression and suffering on the other. That would, indeed, be a bitter irony after the glorious victory that Britain and her Allies have won for liberty and justice, and a sad commentary on the righteousness in international dealings, which has been so often affirmed by the great statesmen of the age.

We dissociate ourselves from extremism of all varieties, radical or reactionary; we stand for the policy of the gradual attainment of Responsible Government enumerated in the creed of the Indian National Congress and the Declaration of August, 1917. We are satisfied that the Montagu-Chelmsford proposals of Reform are a concrete expression of this policy, and worthy of support both in England and in India and we, therefore, make an earnest appeal to all to accept the Scheme and help in its translation into law at the earliest possible date.

Montagu's Indian Speeches.-A new and up-to-date edition. Price Re. 1-8. To Subscribers of "I.R." Re. 1-4.

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