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With regard to the proposal to give the Governor discretion to appoint a fifth Member of Council I am to point out that the considerations set out in paragraph 266 of the report, as to the burden of work imposed upon the members in charge of the departments of the Imperial Government, apply with equal force to the case of the Provincial Governments. The increased size of the Legislative Council and the creation of standing committees will entail a great strain on the members of Government. That strain is already heavy and may well become impossible to endure in the near future. No doubt the scheme comprises the addition of one Member of Council but it is quite possible to conceive that a time may come when even this increased executive will be unable to cope with the increase in work. Therefore it is provided that the Governor should have discretionary power to appoint a fifth member,

I am now to set out the advantages of this proposal. In the first place it leaves Government free to act together on all subjects and to present an united face to the outside world. Secondly, it avoids the complications inseparable from an attempt to divide the functions of Government. Thirdly, the system of financial control is simple and efficient. The budget will be discussed and passed by the Legislative Council, and their resolutions will be binding in all cases except when His Excellency the Governor considers that peace, order, and the safety of the State require the exercise of his veto. Fourthly, the Legislative Council, which has a largely increased elective majority, is placed in the position in which it can demonstrate during this period of training its fitness to exercise still greater powers. Fifthly, the individual members of this Council will enjoy the same opportunities as the report affords them of association with the Executive Government on advisory committees, and of dealing at first hand with important questions connected with the budget and the various administrative departments.

It has been suggested that a scheme of this nature is defective in that there is no direct responsibility on the part of the Legislative Council, and that this will encourage members to indul e in an increasing extent in irresponsible criticism. To this the Governor in Council entirely demurs. He contends that the proposal connotes full devolution of responsibility on every member of the Legislative Council as regards the whole sphere of administration, whereas the proposal in the report imposes responsibility on the Legislative Council through the Minister or Ministers as regards the transferred subjects only. The veto of the Governor is common to both.

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I am to urge strongly for the consideration of the Government of India that the training imparted in this way will be far more effective than any which can be secured by the scheme put forward in the report. The advisory committees will be able to study the various questions placed for their consideration from all points of view. There will be no artificial barriers placed between the various classes of subjects, and there will be one single financial controlling authority. It may be anticipated that occasions will seldom arise for the exercise of the Governor's veto.*

For full text of the Memorandum the reader is referred to "Indian Reforms" page 138. Price Re. 1. G. A. Natesan & Co., Madras.

Islam and the World's Thought.

Mr. Zia-ud-din Ahmad Barni, writing in the May number of The Theosophist points out that catholicity is Islam's first contribution to the world thought. A Mussulman makes no distinction between one prophet and another, so far as his prophethood is concerned, and further does not limit salvation to the so called Mussulmans alone, but to all who are rightdoers. Again Islam is the greatest democratic force the world has ever known. The differences of caste and

colour vanish away into its "ever-widening thought and action" Islam has no submerged classes or untouchables as they are called. Conversion to Islam carries with it enfranchisement; and Islam retains up till now something at least of that practical democracy which its founder had preached and practised in the olden days. Though Mussulmans frequently preached war and extermination of non-Muslims, the spirit of intolerance was quite at variance with Islamic principles which are characterised by catholicity of spirit and broad-minded toleration.

Its greatest contribution is the encouragement which it has given to Science and Art. The Prophet taught on the score of education, "go in quest of knowledge even into China. Seek knowledge from the cradle to the grave. The acquisition of knowledge is a duty incumbent on every Muslim, male or female." Again he says: "The ink of the scholar is more valuable than the blood of the martyr." The Arabs under Moawiyah collected the sciences of the Greeks and showed great interest in them, and under the Abbassids learning reached its highest pitch. Spain under the Ommayyads made much progress in all branches of knowledge. Mussulmans made the first telescope and built observatories in many places; they evolved an altogether new architecture and taught scientific agriculture and they developed the Greek system of medicine. In India the Mussulman Emperors built like giants and finished like jewellers.

Another great contribution of Islam is that it has placed great ideals and glorious traditions before the world in general and Muslims in particular. A Mussulman is to build his character on these. The men of Islam have always rushed joyously to martyrdom and have an exceptionally firm trust in God and His will. Above all Islam never despairs and will again begin to mould the souls of men and light in their hearts, a simple faith in God and a love for service.

The Indian Budget for 1919-20.

The Journal of the Indian Economic Society for March 1919 includes an article by Mr. C. S. Deoli on the merits or otherwise of Sir James Meston's first Budget.

The peculiar features of 1918-19 are that the current revenue and expenditure have departed widely from the Budget estimates presented in March 1918. Sir James Meston remarks: "After the strain and artificial conditions of recent years it is not easy to speculate how far the rebound will go or what directions it will take and the only thing that is certain is that we must incur a large expenditure to recover the ground which has been lost in a period of severe economy."

It is high time that the system of voting supplies for different services is introduced in India. The ways and means problem involves a double process (1) that of finding funds sufficient to meet the probable calls on them and (2) that of our resource which means the process of distributing the cash balance between the paying centres including the Home Treasury. In India the problem of resource is the chief difficulty. In 1919-20 the Government hopes that this problem will not recur in the acute form recently experienced, as they propose to undertake a large capital outlay on Railways which will utilise the large resources we possess in London. It is rather unnatural that the most important financial centre should be outside its limits.

The main currency question is the managed rupee which stabilises the gold price of the rupee for purposes of foreign exchange.

The Provincial Revenues are taken at close £37 millions and the expenditure a little over 38 millions, the deficit being met by drafts on their large accumulated balances. There is no ship-building programme and Government has devoted an extraordinary large sum to the Railway Capital Programme, the present milage of which is enough to go on.

It is a matter of satisfaction that Local Governments have been informed to incur more expenditure on (1) The extension of education in directions where it has been specially hampered by war economies (2) The development of Industries (3) The repair of actual damage to public institutions and services and (4) Capital outlay on the development of forests, agricultural experiments and the like,

The Expansion of Europe.

Mr. W. R. Shepherd explains in the March issue of the Political Science Quarterly the interaction of European and non-European in the development of modern civilisation during the past five hundred years. The vast field of action which the European has made his own comprises two distinct areas; (1) that inhabited by aboriginal folk having little or no civilisation at all and (2) that occupied by certain peoples of Asia who had attained much earlier than the Europeans themselves a high degree of civilisation, which is in some respects quite superior to even the European. Through a reciprocal rubbing away of their rougher points of contact, the two great divisions of mankind have become conscious in ever increasing measure of the duty of laying aside narrow-mindedness and the overvaluation of self, the duty also of bearing forth to humanity at large their gradually awakening mutuality of


The diffusion of European civilisation itself is subject to a double limitation. Firstly, viewing the breadth and depth of its application, the process has little more than begun. Secondly, even the most hopeful of enthusiasts for European culture can hardly expect that the various types of Asiatic civilisation will eventually become transformed into European or fail to perceive that European culture itself must be more and more influenced by Asiatic ideas and institutions. From their mutual contact, a universal civilisation will not be the outcome. European relations to backward countries are regarded partly from the standpoint of a more or less evident imperialism and partly from that of the white man's burdenthe former inherited from the period before the 19th century and the latter a product of subsequent growth. Just as the one suggests exploitation, the other conveys the idea of the duty of importing the blessings of the European civilisation, both implying contempt for an assumed inferior.


The history of European colonisation should not be confounded with that of the expansion of Europe. Expansion includes colonisation and vastly It is the interpenetration of Europeans and non-Europeans all the world over in all departments of human activity. Two concepts are inherent in its interpretation. One is that dependencies, other than mere seaports and restricted hinterlands, are the germs of new societies and new nations. In this first concept there are two

sides. The Europeans in the dependencies have the natural environment of the locality into which they have transplanted themselves. The environment for the native peoples is that artificially established for them by Europeans. This mutuality of environmental operation works in two ways. The second concept is that whatever Europeans have done overseas and overland beyond their own frontiers forms an essential part of the history of their particular nations. It reveals both the impress made on the civilisation of Europe by what the Europeans carry back from their distant ventures and the manner in which this undergoes a change amid new conditions of existence.

As a historical concept European expansion involves two movements, the outgoing and the incoming. Operating in each movement are two interacting factors, the one that has been given and the one that has been received.

The transit of European ideas and institutions and the reaction on European life and thought may both be considered from several standpoints. U.S.A. is engaged in the work of European expansion on its own account; while Japan plays an important part in the expansion of Europe, though in a mediate sense; and the latter is both the product of the expansion of Europe and an intermediary for its extension to China.

The whole topic, in its manifold aspects needs a great historian.

Women and Co-operation.

In the June number of the "Hindustan Review" Mr. K. S. Abhyankar contributes an article on "Woman and Co-operation." The subject is a very interesting one, and the writer in dealing with it traces directly what part woman has played in the field of co operation. As a customer it is for woman to understand "the differences between pure goods made under fair conditions and cheap and nasty articles produced under quite other conditions. If the local store is stocked with, let us say, the soaps, cocoas and jams of private firms, instead of the soaps, cocoas and jams produced by the wholesale, it is chiefly because customers will have it so." Women can understand, the writer says, if they discriminate rightly that their interests as social beings lie in the spread of the co operative movement.

Then he discusses at length the history of the co-operative movement in England, Scotland and Ireland. In western countries, women are not

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only house keepers, but purchasers as well. He describes the movement in England as a selfgoverning organisation of women, who work through co-operation for the welfare of the people, seeking freedom for their own progress and the equal fellowship of men and women in the home, the store, the workshop, and the state." He pays a glowing tribute to Mrs. Acland, the first secretary of the Guild, to whose efforts are attributed the success of the movement. To-day in England women are share-holders, members of educational committees,delegates to co-operative congresses and what not. All questions affecting women's social and political life are discussed at various conferences. Then he treats about the history of the movement in Scotland and Ireland. The work done in Ireland is supplemented by an organisation called "The United Irish Women." Mr. C. W. Russel is a great believer in woman's co-operative movement. "Women says he, "however they may as individuals are concerned collectively far more than men about the character and well being of a race." Elsewhere Russel says we cannot build up a rural civilization in Ireland without the aid of Irish women. It will help life little if we have methods of the twentieth century in the fields and those of the fifth century in the home."




The war has done incalculable service to the woman's cause by providing opportunities for her to distinguish herself in various walks of life.

The unit of co-operation is the home. The sense of corporate social existence is a thing which deserves to be brought home to the minds of Indian women; as they have not yet realized the possibilities of the co-operative movement. "Development needs freedom" is a favourite maxim as much of pedagogy as of politics. Nor is the truth of less force when applied to women. We can never exaggerate the fruits of emancipating her from the prison of the home, to play a part in social existence. Her present sense of perpetual dependence on others must vanish in the matter of co-operation. The writer advises us that co-operation on the part of women is all the more necessary since "an interesting development of the day is the breaking up of the joint family and the migrating to cities by small families." This is indeed wholesome, considering the benefits which would derive from a joint family without involving any serious disadvan tage. But what about the "immemorial" social restrictions on womanhood? Will "man" play the better part by heaving out a path for womankind?

The English Public Schools

Mr. Alec Vaugh, writes in the March number of The English Review about the necessity for reform of public school education. The public school is not a jerry built affair that can be overturned and rebuilt in a few weeks; it has grown up round certain unconscious but clearly marked traits in the English temperament. It conforms to the character of the nation and any sudden attempt to rebuild it is bound to defeat its purposes. A slow modification of attitude and method is the only way to effect any considerable reform. But the difficulties are very great, Schoolmasters are doing all they can to foster the conspiracy of silence woven round all save the most superficial activities of the school-world.


The truth is that the boy goes to the public school fresh and interested in his work; and for the first term that freshness lasts. The next term sees a slight falling-off. No one inspires the boy to take any interest in his work, athletic success is that which counts; and for athletic success he strives; he works at his play and plays at his work. With the exceptional scholar the situation is distinctly worse. He is trained like a Prize Pomeranian, fed with scholarship, leaves the tricks of the business and lives in a world of digamma and enclitics. From his class are drawn schoolmasters and Government officials. The public school provides no outlet for a boy's emotional nature. Only in rare instances does it touch his soul side. Jn its wider and humaner sense the spiritual life is starved. And the only remedy lies in finding for each boy some inner interest that will appeal to him as strongly as


The relations between the headmaster and the parents are very difficult. The public school system is competitive; and it is dangerous for any school to get a reputation of unorthodoxy. All that the Governors appear to want is a flourishing commercial concern and they put the head master there to give it to them. It is necessary that a system so conservative and competitive should be remedied. The only way to reform is through a patient modification of the existing system. Schoolmasters at present persist in their attitude of denial and self-complacency; and parents do not realise the facts that boys do not work at school, they are taught very little, that spiritual and intellectual life does not exist for them and that for want of something better they have made a god of games.

Welfare Work in Factories

Mrs. R. M. Grey, writing in the April number of The Social Service Quarterly, says that the out-standing fact established about welfare work by the War is that it pays and that America discovered this fact even before the War. Welfare work is not a drain and is actually a source of income. Many nobler motives have driven philanthropic work, but none is more cogent or of more universal application.

Welfare work supplies conditions under which all workers can do their best. They naturally divide themselves into conditions inside and outside the workshops. Under the first heading, workers should work only so long as their work is productive and they should have rest intervals sufficient to maintain their strength and interest at its maximum and sufficient food to produce the same result. Sanitary arrangements should be such as to encourage a high standard of personal cleanliness. Medical attendance must be available and must ensure that the helplessness of childhood is not abused and the next generation allowed to suffer.

Of all evils the out-standing one in India is excessive hours. Only men's appalling ignorance and callousness of everything outside their own lives could tolerate the present state of affairs. It does not strike the well-nourished, well-housed, well-amused rich man, who finds himself quite fagged at the end of a six hours day, that there is something dreadful in the expectation that mill labourers, men, women, and too often children also, shall rise in the dark (because hooters are forbidden), stagger half asleep to the mill gates, snatch a little more sleep on the stones outside the gate, toil at a monotonous task from daylight to dark, with one short recognised interval for food, and several short unrecognised intervals for sleep or tobacco. They declare that the labourer is only working at half pressure all the time, that he has all sorts of ways of saving himself, that manual work is quite different from brain work; which is just another way of saying that he is human. And since he is human, the Indian workman will respond to the same. treatment as other human beings. If his hours are shortened, he will feel fitter and will unconsiously or consci, ously work harder. Already in the few experiments that have been made in Cawnpore and elsewhere in reducing hours, it has been found that there was no decrease in output, but on the contrary a slight increase. It is quite certain that the very first thing Indian welfare workers will fasten on,

as the cause of inefficiency of the workers, and of consequent loss to employers, will be excessive hours.

It is difficult for the welfare worker to confine himself or herself to indoor conditions only. In India, the illiteracy of the mill labourers is a great hindrance to welfare work. It is difficult to get men to take part in that most efficacious of all means of improving their status-the co-operative movement, if they are too illiterate to keep their own books. In some places, above all in Bombay, the housing conditions are such as to nullify any efforts that could be made to improve the physique of the men during working hours. Only when these three main evils, excessive hours, illiteracy, and bad housing conditions have been drastically reformed, will the welfare worker begin to get a real chance to make the life of the factory employees healthy and happy.

[In this connection the reader may be referred to an article on the "Menace of welfare work" published in this issue.-Ed. I.R.]

Co-operation in the Missionary Field.

In an article in the March number of the International Review of Missions Mr. J. H. Oldham describes certain aspects of missionary work in which a successful solution can be found only by common consultation and united action on the part of the various missionary societies. The first aspect is that of allowing all missionaries of all nationalities in a country. The question is important, because not only the work of missionaries of enemy nationality but also that of missionaries of a different nationality from that of the governing power, may under certain circumstances seem to call for government regulation. To entrust any considerable share in the work of education to missionaries of alien nationality who may not understand or fully sympathize with the educational aims of the government of the country, may present difficulties. Governments are being forced to pay increased attention to propaganda of all kinds and to watch and regulate it. The awakening of the national consciousness of peoples expresses itself among other ways in the desire to defend their institutions and their heritage against the inrush of western civilisation and this may result in an attempt to restrict Christianity as an alien influence threatening the integrity of national life. Even European governments may sometimes look on Christian propaganda as a disturbing influence on the social order making the task

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