medical education, but so far our voice has been only a cry in the wilderness. The present epidemic has shown how very hopelessly inadequate is the number of ministers of health in comparison to the practically innumerable sufferers. We are in the regular line in India less than 10,000 persons struggling to minister to the medical needs of a population of 330 millions. In ordinary times, the proportion would appear less insufficient. During this epidemic,the proportion has been proved to be hopelessly inadequate, particularly for the villages where there are no practitioners for miles and miles. But it is expected both by the Government and the people that the medical confession should be equal to cope with situations like the present. education A wider extension of a medical throughout India has become a necessity. By this I do not mean extension of medical education amongst students lacking general educational qualifications. I believe that the time has come when, with properly directed efforts, we can train a fairly large number of University Matriculates for the profession of medicine. I do not suggest a lowering of the standard from what has been fixed by the examining Boards in various provinces of India. In this connection," I think it my duty to emphasise the fact that though the profession is quite ready to participate in a medical educational movement at considerable sacrifice, the people of the country have been persisting in an attitude of culpable indifference and inactivity. Why should we indeed look to Government for every thing? While Colleges for general education are being multiplied by the score at the instance of the public, very little effort has been manifested as yet to establish private medical schools. Many of the existing hospitals, can be easily converted into centres of clinical training if only schools are started in this connection. The attitude of the Government is helpful. The workers are ready for recruitment; but unfortu nately there is no public interest to enlist the services of medical teachers or to utilise the potential gifts of the Government. I have already said that an extension of sanitary movements will be necessary to bring about recovery from the effects of the war. But, in India, the war has added some new miseries to a long list of pre-existing troubles like Malaria (which carries away annually in Bengal alone about 10 lakhs of our people) Tuberculosis, which is the scourage of the young men and women of the lower middle classes, small-pox, which is the pest of the crowded homes of the indigenous population, and Syphilles which, though not so much fatal, yet strikes at the vitality of generations of men and women, and Hook worm. : The question of the organisation of a great sanitary movement throughout the country, therefore stands in the forefront as the question of the day. In this movement, there are three parties concerned, the Government, the profession and the people and its success will depend upon the earnestness and effort with which each of these parties will take up the matter. Great is the responsibility resting upon every one of these parties. But it is heaviest in the case of the noble profession, the one justification of whose existence is to relieve and cure and above all prevent human suffering. But however efficient this organisations may be, the result achieved is bound to be poor if the general public remain aloof and indifferent. The main question before us is to draw the general public into the movement. And this can only be done by creating interest in the public mind through propaganda and efficient sanitary works. Government, no doubt, initiates large sanitary schemes, but it is the homes of the masses that form the chief field for sanitary work. Such homes we can reach only through a widespread "combined education and sanitation movement." And the medical profession that stands between the Government and the people must exert its utmost to help this movement' on. We must acquire fresh knowledge in the colleges, Research Institutes and laboratories on the one hand, and "diffuse our knowledge," on the other. We must urge upon the Government the necessity of starting sanitary classes in educational institutions of all grades. We must start mixed sanitary associations for the enlightenment of the professional as well as lay members. We must start journals dealing with sanitary questions, both in the vernacular and the English language for the education of the general public. And much depends on the care and attention with which we can push this movement.-[From the Presidential Address to the All India Medical Conference.] II BY DR. J. K. SEN. Ladies and gentlemen, it is not difficult to realise the magnitude of the task, and the seriousness of the responsibility of the medical man in India. How little our strength really is to cope with the work that civilisation entrusts to our profession! There are millions of men in this country whom no form of medical relief in time of sickness can reach at all! There are thousands of villages in which there is not one medical man! One cannot but wonder at the hopeless inadequacy of the provision for the training of medical men in the country. Even the handful of Medical Colleges and Schools that exist, are limited in size, and there is not enough room for all the youngmen who would choose the profession and want a medical training. I believe, gentlemen, you would like to see half a dozen medical schools and colleges spring up in different parts of the country, and I would, on my part, welcome another college in Delhi, for men! May I here say a few words on another aspect. of the duties and responsibilities of the members of the profession as men of Science? I mean the utilisation of our talents for the advancement and the improvement of the Medical science and practice. In the field of research, the work already done in this country is by no means negligible, but we cannot say we have done enough. I am fully aware of the difficulties of the independent medical practitioner. Those who have got the capacity for such work have little time and fewer opportunities. It is a pity that their energies are almost entirely absorbed in private practice. But lack of opportunities is a more regretable handicap. They cannot devote themselves, if they choose, to the pursuit of the science as professors in colleges nor make use of the Government hospitals and laboratories. I hope that in time the present conditions will improve, but meanwhile we cannot afford to wait indefinitely and waste the best talents of our profession. The subject of tropical diseases is not only of very great importance and interest but affords a large scope for the intellectual and practical activities of the scientist. Tuberculosis also is becoming a growing menace to the people of India, especially in congested areas. We must take the warning in time, and be prepared to combat this fell enemy of mankind. It demands the greatest possible vigilance, and we must be armed with all the knowledge and skill that science and experience can provide. We are grateful to Sir Pardey Lukis and his collaborators for the school of tropical diseases in India. It will, I hope, be a nucleus of a great Institution for the study of these diseases. I also hope that the medical talents of this country will soon be able with improved methods and better knowledge to prevent to a large extent the destructive maladies to which the masses of the Indian people are habitual prey, and save millions of lives from the attacks of plague, malaria and cholera. But it is a work of stupendous magnitude and importance and calls forth the unceasing efforts, individual and collective, of the members of the profession.(From the Welcome Address to the All India Medical Conference.) now & I. BY HON. PANDIT M. M. MALAVIYA. HE question now is to what extent is India going to benefit by the principles for which she gave her lives and treasure, namely, the principles of justice and liberty, of the right of every nation to live an unmolested life of freedom and to grow according to its own God-given nature, to manage its own affairs, and to mould its own destiny. The principles for which Great Britain and the Allies fought have now been embodied in the Peace Proposals of President Wilson. These principles have been adopted with the hearty concurrence and support of Great Britain. Indeed, the credit for adopting them is in one sense greater in the case of Britain and France than in the case of America. For Britain and France had borne the brunt of the war for four years and by their unconquerable courage and heroic sacrifices made it possible for themselves and the Allies to achieve the final victory. Now the principle that runs through the Peace Proposals is the principle of justice to all peoples and nationalities and their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another. Each nation is to be given freedom to determine its own affairs and to mould its own destinies. Russia is to have an unhampered and embarrassed opportunity for independent determination of her own political development and national policy. Austria-Hungary is to be accorded the opportunity of autonomous development. International guarantees of political and mic independence and territorial integrity are to be secured to the Balkan States, and to the independent Polish State which are to be created. Nationalities other than Turkish now under Turkish rule are to be assured security of life and autonomous development. In the adjustment of colonial claims the principle to be followed is that 6 un econo in determining such questions the sovereignity and interests of the population concerned are to have equal weight with the equitable claims of the Government whose title is to be determined. How far are these principles of autonomy and self-determination to be applied to India? That is the question for consideration. . . . Standing in this ancient capital of India, both of the Hindu and Mahomedan periods, it fills me my countrymen and countrywomen with inexpressible sorrow and shame to think that we the descendants of Hindus who ruled for four thousand years in this extensive empire, and the descendants of Mussalmans who ruled here for several hundred years, should have so far fallen from our ancient state, that we should have to argue our capacity for even a limited measure of autonomy and selfrule. But there is so much ignorance among those who have got a determining voice in the affairs of our country at present that if I but had the time, I would tell them something of the capacity of our peoples-Hindus and Musalmans -till the advent of British rule in India. I may refer these who care to know it, to the papers published at pages 581 to 624 in Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji's book on Poverty and un-British rule in India.' I will content myself with aying that one third of India, comprising a population of nearly 60 millions, is still under Indian rule, and that the administration of many of the Indian States compares very favourably with that of British India. Has the fact of our being under British rule for 150 years rendered us less fit for selfrule than our fellow-subjects in our Indian States are? Are a people who can produce a scientist like Sir J. C. Bose, a poet like Sir Rabindra Nath Tagore, lawyers like Sir Bhashyam Iyengar and Sir Rash Behari Ghosh, administrators like Sir T. Madhava Row and Sir Salar Jung, judges of the High Court like Syed Mah mood and Telang, patriots and public men like Dadabhai Naoroji and Ranade, Pherozsha Mehta and G. K. Gokhale, industrialists like J. N. Tata and his worthy son Sir Dorab Tata and a servant of humanity like Mr. Gandhi, and soldiers who have rendered a good account of themselves in all the theatres of war, unfit for self-government in their domestic affairs? I hope that the insult of such an assumption will no longer be added to the injury that is being done us by being kept out of our birthright to self-government, and that the principle of self-determination will be extended to India. Now, ladies and gentlemen, let us make it clear what we mean when we talk of self-determination. There are two aspects of self-determination, as it has been spoken of in the peace proposals. One is that the people of certain colonies and other places should have the right to say whether they will live under the suzerainty of one power or of another. So far as we Indians are concerned we have no need to say that we do not desire to exercise that election. Since India passed directly under the British Crown, we have owned allegiance to the Sovereign of England. We stand unshaken in that allegiance. We gladly renewed our allegiance to His Majesty the KingEmperor in person when he was pleased to visit India in 1911 after his Coronation in England. We still desire to remain subjects of the British Crown. There is, however, the second and no less important aspect of self-determination, namely, that being under the British Crown, we should be allowed complete, responsible government on the lines of the Dominions, in the administration of all our domestic affairs. We are not yet asking for this either. We are asking for a measure of self-government which we have indicated by our Congress-League Scheme of 1916. We urge that the measure of self-government or responsible government, if you please, to be given to us should be judged and determined in the light of the principle of self-determination which has amerged triumphant out of this devastating war. In order that this should be done it is not necessary that the proposals of reform which have been elaborated by Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford should be laid aside and a brand-new scheme be prepared. The Special Congress and the Moslim League have expressed their willingness to accept those proposals with the modifications and improvements which they have advocated. This great Congress representing the people of all classes and creeds-Hindus, Musalmans, Parsis and Christians representing all interests, landholders and tenants, merchants and businessmen, educationists, publicists and representatives of all other sections of the people is assembled here to-day to express the mind of the people on this question. One special and particularly happy feature of this Congress is the presence, at it of nearly five hundred delegates of the tenant class who have come at great sacrifice from far and near, to join their voice with the rest of their countrymen in asking for a substantial measure of self-government. This representative Congress of the people of India will declare what in its opinion should be the measure of reform which should be introduced into the country. Let the British Government give effect to the principle of self-determination in India by accepting the proposals put forward by the representatives of the people of India. Let the preamble to the statute which is under preparation incorporate the principle of self-determination and provide that the reprasentatives of the people of India shall have an effective voice in determining the future steps of progress towards complete responsible government. This will produce deep contentment and gratitude among the people of India and strong then their attachment to the British Empire.* * For full text of the speech the reader is referred to" Speeches and Writings of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya" G. A. Natesan & Co., Madras. Price Rs. 3 To subscribers of the Indian Review. Price Rs. 2-8. INDIA AND SELF-DETERMINATION II. MRS. ANNIE BESANT We asked that something positive in the shape of an Act of Parliament, be passed for establishing Responsible Government in India. We do not ask for the abolition of the sovereignity of the Crown. We do not attack the Throne of the King Emperor, but we say in our internal affairs, in the business of our own Nation, public and private, we ought to make our own laws, elect our own men, get rid of those men if they fail us after we have elected them. That is the freedom that every Colony enjoys and that freedom we claim for ourselves. *** We ask for equal rights with the SelfGoverning Dominions, and without the right of direct representation in the central authority of the Empire our Self-Determination would not be complete.-[Speech at the Delhi Congress.] III. BY THE HON. MR. FAZHLUL HUQ England should so shape her administration in India that when history comes to write of her rule, she may not have reasons to be ashamed of her epitaph. She should begin by revising her economic policy towards India. She should also revise her statute book. The Press Act and Arms Act should be at once repealed and the Defence of India Act should be so completely wiped out as to leave no pernicious traces behind. Englishmen have always taken a pride that in securing for Right a complete victory over MightEngland has borne the most honourable and most conspicuous part. Will England, in the hour of her Victory deny to India the application in the administration of affairs of those very principles for which England claims to have spent so much blood and treasure? The success that has crowned the British Arms has brought to the minds of Indians a natural pride and high expectation. Let us hope that expectation will be justified, and these hopes amply fulfilled, by the introduction into India of a real measure of Self-Government. [From Presidential address to the Moslem Ledgus.] IV. BY DR. M. A. ANSARI. 43 To my mind there is but one single doctrine in which is focussed the entire thought of the whole human race. This doctrine, Gentlemen, is the doctrine of self-determination. If every nation, small or large, weak or strong, free or under subjugation, is given the chance to realise itself and to determine its own destiny, without any outside intervention, it will develop its own form of Government, its own national culture and its own peculiar civilization. It is only on such lines that free nationalities could expand and develop and it is only under such conditions that the world could be made fit to live in. The phrase subject nationality" would then be obsolete and there would be no such thing as national greed or aggression. The world would then consist of a sisterhood of free and trusting states, each helping the others for the common good of mankind. 66 It was to facilitate the establishment of this happy order that India contributed so lavishly in men and money and in the final reconstruction of the world she cannot be left out. The blood of her sons has not flowed on the continents of Europe, Asia and Africa to win freedom and liberty for other nations and perpetuate her own bondage. The tradition and history of the Hindus and Mussalmans support her claims to recognition. If England and her Allies can champion the cause of Poland, the Czecho-Slavs and the patched up and degenerate nationalities of the Balkans, if it is proposed to breathe new political life into the dead remains of the Armenian kingdom and if the scattered sons of Israel are to be once more gathered into the folds of India, equity and justice, political honesty and loyalty to the principles, accepted and preached by the statesman of Europe and America, demand that India shall not be deprived of her innate right to determine her future and control her destinies.-(From the Welcome address to the Moslem League.) |