The Basis of the New World-Order

No sure foundations are discoverable for the rebuilding of the world-order after this great war and a writer in the International Review of Missions (April 1919) says that the searchers for a stable foundation for the new world-order are driven either to despair, or to faith; and apparently "the only faith in sight that answers the aspirations of our generation is the faith in God through Christ....... they would have the world orderly, kindly and brotherly; and it is to these three aspirations that the Christian faith makes its appeal."

1 With regard to orderliness, we must assume the organic unity of ethical values, since we have suffered shipwreck in a social order which was morally pluralist. If there be one God, then His character determines the ideal which can alone succeed and prevail.

There cannot be one standard of right for an individual and another for a state; there cannot be one ethical code for employers and another for employees; there cannot be one type of manhood to be cultivated in the more forward races while another is commended to their less advanced brethren; there cannot be one ideal of purity for the man and another for the woman; there cannot be a more privileged inner circle of nations while others are bidden remain in an outer court. The unity of God assures the universality of the ethical ideal. Every nation, every race, every industrial group, every man and woman, is to be righteous, as He is righteous, merciful as He is merciful, perfect as He is perfect. With such a God we are embarked on an enterprise which promises order out of the existing confusion.

With regard to kindliness, the first concern of the Gospel is with the inward strife in men to which it brings Christ as saviour, giving victory and peace. Then it expects these redeemed Sons of God to attest their kinship with their Father by showing themselves peace makers-causing the spirit of Christ to rule the life of families, industries and nations.

Our faith in the unity of God guarantees for us that there is no irreconcilable conflict between nature's ways and the conscience of a redeemed son of God. Science and art assume that man can understand and control his world. But his knowledge and control may be fiendish. Only as he comes with the purpose of

Christ can his understanding and skill prove redemptive. When he girds the creation with cords of love it becomes an earth kindly to him, a fit dwelling-place for the Father and His children.

The third aspiration of our day is for a brotherly world, usually spoken of as a democratic world. Equality seems an impossible and undesirable ideal for human society. But there can be brotherhood without equality among the older and younger members of a family and among the more or less developed peoples of mankind. And God in Christ does not suppress individuality but encourages his sons and daughters to become their fullest selves. He does not break their will, that He may have disciplined soldiers moving automatically at His word of command; He calls them not servants, but friends. Such a Father as Christ is safe for democracy, in that He offers Himself to every man as his personal comrade. He supplies each with all that he needs as a child to depend on, so that he is saved from undue reliance upon his fellow men.

'Why did not God prevent the war?' has been a common question. He could had He been a benevolent autocrat; He could not as the companionable Father. Nor could He coerce us into a just peace. He makes known the things which belong to it in the spirit of His Son. He uses the only appeal consistent with democratic government-the appeal to reason and conscience. It is His expression of faith that a brotherly world is possible, His declaration that no other can endure, for He will not be satisfied with it, nor rest from His labours until it comes to pass. Believers in Him share His confidence, and in fellowship with Him are established in hope and inspired to unwearying labour.

INDIA IN INDIAN & FOREIGN PERIODICALS.

THE EVANGELISTIC MOVEMENT IN THE INDIAN CHURCH. By the Rev. H. A. Popely. ["The East and the West," April 1919.]

PUBLIC LIFE IN INDIA. By Mr. N. V. Sarma. [ "The New Review," March 1919.]

KANARESE POETS OF TELUGU DESCENT. By Mr. H. Narayana Rao, B.A, B.L. ["South Indian Research" for May 1919.]

THE SUNDAY SCHOOL IN INDIA. By Edward A. Annett. "The International Review of Missions," April 1919.]

THE FOUNDATION OF GREATER INDIA BEYOND THE SEAS. By Mr. Phanindranath Bose, B.A. ["The Hindustan Review," March 1919.]

The Hon. Mr. V. S. S. Sastri on The Present Situation.

At a farewell party in Poona given on the eve of his departure to England, the Hon. Mr. V. S. Srinivasa Sastri made an important speech from which we give the following excerpts :

I am proceeding, as you all know, as a delegate of the moderate party, that is to say, I represent a particular political school of thought. But I hope that I shall be able to serve not only my own party but to advance common national aspirations as well. If I thought that I would be serving only a party and not the whole country, I would not feel so strong as I do. Some, indeed, say that a true patriot should serve the country as a whole and not any party. You will allow me to say that it is only partially true. No man can serve the country except through a party, unless he is super-eminent, in which case again, he would not stand alone for along, for a party would gather round him, whether he will or no.

Whenever there is a burst-up like the present, it is not easy to put a finger on one spot and say, 'Here is the source of the trouble.' Such troubles have many phases and proceed from more than one circumstance. There can be no doubt, however, that the Rowlatt Act did come as a great unsetting factor on the mind of the people. Now-a-days there is any amount of writing in the Anglo-Indian papers and any amount of sermonising in high quarters. Somehow the moderates seem to be favoured with advice and criticism. They seem to say in effect, 'You must suspend all opposition to the Rowlatt Act. Apart from your duty, the events in the Punjab and elsewhere have supplied the necessary proof that the Act was necessary. You were all wrong in forming yourself into a solid band of opposition. Now at last you perceive that whatever people might say, you are not justified in opposing the Act.' I will for one moment read to you the words of the LieutenantGovernor of Burma, Sir Reginald Craddock, whose strength as the head of a province has often been demonstrated. The action of Indian political leaders in opposing the Rowlatt Bill and in encouraging the storm of opposition has been the most grievous blunder in the history of Indian political life.-The action of these leaders constitutes the greatest encouragement to the anarchical movement that it has ever received. Now, that is a statement which for the head of a local Government to make, is a gross distortion and an unpardonable exaggeration. He is, it seems to me, greatly exceeding the limits of fair criticism in saying that we are instrumental in stirring up anarchy. I do not share his view. If it were necessary to single out any one event as the root cause of the trouble, it is the obstinacy of the Government in persisting in passing the Rowlatt Act in opposition to popular opinion. We did our best to minimise the evil. We warned them at the time that the agitation which would follow would be unparallelled. They said it was an idle threat. An influential member of the Government turned to me laughingly and said, 'I have seen India ablaze twenty times and I am sure that this will blow over. I hope it will blow-over but, I am

afraid, not before it had worked some amount of harm. They would not be warned. They would not listen to our representations made in good faith. Long before these happenings, we gave them clearly to understand that the course of our opposition would be unbroken. It is unreasonable to expect us to change our attitude to the Act, simply because of the unhappy events of the last few days. We cannot love the Act, and cannot pardon or excuse its authors for reaping the harvest of their own obstinacy. If it lies in our power when we are in England to press this question, we shall not fail to do so. But whether we succeed or not in securing its repeal, we can never relax our opposition to it.

While, on the one hand, we recognise the duty of the Government in puting down these disorders and the duty of the people to co-operate in the task, we must at the same time make it perfectly clear how we look upon the steps taken by the Government to bring offenders to justice. I do not wish to say anything out of a mere desire to speak against the Government nor out of a desire to represent myself as a strong exponent of popular discontent. But I cannot withhold my very strong disapprobation of the lines which the Government has taken. When a mob goes wrong and becomes unruly it is necessary, no doubt, for the Government to take strong measures to restore order. But powerfully and fully equipped as the Government was, it was its duty to see that no more was done in the repressive direction than was absolutely necessary -to see that it leaves no rankling in the breast of people. What, on the contrary, is it doing? It is taking a series of measures which seem to exceed the necessities of the case. A state of open rebellion has been declared, martial law proclaimed and other things done in ways which must be pronounced barbarous. Bombs are dropped from aeroplanes, and people alleged to have disobeyed laws whipped in public street-a barbarity which, we all thought, had passed away with the autocracy of Russia.

As to the prospects of the Reform Scheme the situation is not so hopeful as it was some time ago. The promises which Lord Chelmsford felt himself compelled to make, taken along with the concessions which the Secretary of State has been making by way of increased salaries to the services and the strong speeches which he and the Maharaja of Bikanir have been obliged to make against the mendacity and unscrupulousness of the Sydenhamites-all these indicate a danger to the integrity of the original Scheme. In view of this fact, all the deputations now going to England will be well advised in trying to save the scheme and concentrate their efforts upon it. We shall all undoubtedly endeavour to the best of our power to improve the scheme; but the chief part of our energy will have to be directed towards the saving of the scheme. We need all the strength which political parties and associations can give us to convince the British public that India will not stand any whittling down of Reforms, that any lowering of what I may call the level of Reforms adumbrated in the M. C. Report will be looked upon in India with alarm and would be absolutely incapable of restoring contentment, peace and confidence, and that India's faith in her future under the British flag cannot be settled on a firm basis, if the Reforms fail to satisfy the newly kindled aspirations of our people,

H. E. H. the Nizam's Manifesto

The following is an English translation of a manifesto published on the 11th inst, in the Gazette Extraordinary of the Hyderabad State by order of His Exalted Highness the Nizam, G.C.S.I., G.C.B.E.:

I rejoice to think that my beloved subjects, the people of this Kingdom, both high and low, having fully realised the nature and tendency of the events in the past and present and those likely to occur in the near future, have remained firm in maintaining the right and proper attitude,

They know well the nature and character of the changes that are now occurring in the world and that changes are bound to occur according to the exigencies of the times. Knowing this fact well they have all along stood firm in their traditional attachment to their Ruler who, as all men know, is the faithful Ally of the British Government, and have ever looked upon obedience to his commands as their bounden duty and the true source of their prosperity and well-being. I need say no more except to remind my beloved subjects always to act up to the wellknown adage, “Take what is clean and leave alone what is unclean."

Mysore Administration

Speaking at the Mysore assembly Mr. A. R. Banerjea said that the following matters are now engaging the earnest consideration of Government and an announcement of policy will soon be made:

1. A detailed examination of the financial position.

2. Improvement of the Mysore Civil Service.

3. Scheme of recruitment of public servants in all grades,

Bhavnagar Administration

An associated press telegram announces :— "H. H. the Maharaja of Bhavnagar who for a long time has been considering the question of the abolition of liquor traffic in his State and with that view had approached the other Kathiawar States for co-operation and united action, has issued a resolution directing the preparation of a scheme to be brought into force on his ensuing birthday for immediate abolition of a very large majority of existing liquor shops in his State and for eventual total extinction of all trade in intoxicating liquors and eradication of the drink evil within a stated period. His Highness trusts that his subjects and neighbouring states will co-operate with him in this useful measure which will tend to augment the moral and material welfare of the people." We congratulate His Highness the Maharaja on his noble and courageous project, and we trust his example will be followed by other Indian States also.

Indians in the Transvaal.

The Cape Town Correspondent of the London "Times " wired under date March 21:

A Select Committee has been appointed to consider the grievances of Indians carrying on business in the Transvaal.

Indians specially protest against the restrictions imposed on their trading rights under the Gold Law of 1908. These restrictions have never been applied by the Government since the settlement arranged between General Smuts and Mr. Gandhi, but Indians assert that municipalities and individuals take advantage of the terms of the Gold Law whenever they want to benefit themselves or to ruin Indian trade competition.

Mr. Merriman referred ironically to the fact that in the Transvaal it seemed hardly possible to imagine a greater crime than that a person with a coloured skin should come and undersell the European trader. Dr. MacNeille, who represents a Rand constituency, took exception to Indian competition on the Reef precisely because the Indian undersells the European. He regards the British Empire as consisting of two Empires-the British Isles and the Oversea Dominions on the one hand, and the Indian Empire on the other, two Empires of fundamentally different race civilisation and economic standards.

Another Transvaal member called special attention to another aspect of the Indian question. By a Transvaal Act of 1885 Indians were expressly debarred from owning land in the Transvaal, but some ingenious lawyer discovered that if an Indian transformed himself into a limited liability company he could circumvent the law, and this has been done on a considerable scale. Sir Thomas Watt stated that land to the value of over £ 200,000 has been acquired by Indians by this subterfuge, and on his motion it was decided to extend the scope of the Select Committee's inquiry so as to embrace this aspect of the Asiatic question,

India and the Colonies.

Reference has often been made in this country to the Report prepared by Lord Durham in connection with the grant of self-governing powers to the Dominion of Canada. One writer, working on the analogy of this report, points out that there are two differences between Canadian and Indian conditions, but they are differences entirely in favour of Indian aspirations. "Loyalty to England burns with a strong flame in most Indian hearts; in the hearts of the French Canadians of the thirties its very ashes. were non-existent. Amongst leaders of Indian thought there is a hundred-fold more enlightenment and real statesmanship than were to be found with the French of those days What the system of tutelage denies to its pupils has been very aptly expressed by Lord Elgin in one of his letters. One thing is, however, indispensable,' he wrote 'to the success of this or of any other system of Colonial Government, You must renounce the habit of telling the Colonies that the Colonial is a You must allow them to provisional existence. believe that, without severing the bounds which unite them to Great Britain, they may attain the degree of perfection and of social and political development to which organised communities of free men have a right to aspire.' Change 'Colonial' for 'Indian' and you have the policy which India demands."-Selected.

Indentured Indians in Fiji.

In the Commons, on the 1st May replying to Mr. Bennett, Mr. Montagu stated that he was communicating with the Colonial Office regarding the urgent need for ameliorating the surroundings of indentured Indians in Fiji. He had also communicated to the Colonial office the resolution of the Indian Legislative Council of 11th September, but the cancellation of indentures was not in itself a remedy for the evils complained of. The dearth of shipping would at present prevent the return of released immigrants to India.