England's Mission in India In discussing the "Goal of India" in the special Indian number of Overseas, published by the Overseas club and Patriotic League in London, the Rev. D. E. S. Holland, the late Principal of the St. Paul's College, Calcutta, has some illuminating points to offer for solution to the British democracy. As a preface, he expresses his political conviction that the transference of power from the British bureaucracy to the Indian people will inaugurate an era of inefficient rule, if not misrule; and as the only one alternative to it, he puts down the ideal that it is "our own continued domination, not self-determination in India but a foreign rule, beneficent no doubt, as heretofore, but that is the very claim that Germans advance as their right to dominate the world". He asks whether England which fought so nobly for the overthrow of race domination will herself follow in the path of Germany for perpetuating bureacratic ideals in India, and asks again: "Is our championship of the right of Nations only political camouflage for war propaganda against Germany?" He himself answers this question: "No, as Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman once well said, good Government is no substitute for selfgovernment. If we have to choose between the loaves and fishes of fat and soft security under domination and all the ennobling pains and risks that make us men, we will choose the arduous path to freedom every time. And because we know it is the highest good, we must choose that for others as well as for ourselves so far as they are in our hands." The Rev. Mr. Holland concludes his interesting paper with the following appeal for the introduction of progressive ideals in the Government of this country: "Nor will India any longer be content with the offer of security and comfort in place of freedom. It is too late to go back upon world's pronouncement in favour of popular government; and the thoughtnerves of the world that have so decided now run through India from end to end. This is the exhilirating task that now confronts British statesmanship, the training for freedom of one-fifth of the entire world's population of peoples, besides whose hoary civilisation, milleniums old, we seem to be but a mushroom growth of yesterday. And we shall not shrink it" The Historicity of Salivahana In the current number of The South Indian Kesearch, (a monthly Journal devoted to all kinds. of research) there is an article of great historical interest written by the Editor and entitled "Salivahana Who is he?" The writer refers to the religious significance of the word Salivahana Saka which Hindus come across in the performance of religious ceremonies, and then proceeds to determine who that great personality. is, whose fame and good deeds deserve an era, whether he was a’ God or an ordinary mortal, there are any fragments of his illustrious history, and so forth. If we have no other story about Salivahana, he says, the mythical traditions that have sprung about this great personality might have confused historical criticism. He also points out that. "popular traditions. and recent literature give us these stories as the history of Salivahana, but books written four or five centuries before our time associate these fables with a certain King Satavahana." He then narrates two stories that speak of Satavahana and other two that relate to Salivahana. After giving a short summary of these important evidences, the Editor cites epigraphical evidences which only speak of Satavahana, not Salivahana. Then, what is our next goal? he asks, and then proceeds to consider the evidences that show that Salivahana is Satavahana. The chief evidences are: 1. The Prabanda Chintamani of Merutunga Acharya (1362 Salivahana Sake). 2. Peet Srinatha's reference about Salivahana in one of his poetical works (1334 of the same era). By means of these positive historical proofs, the identity of Salivahana with Satavahana and the existence of a book called Saptasati under the authorship of Salivahana are proved Government Control in War & Peace The vast expansion of Government control in the economic sphere which has taken place during the War is without parallel in the history of the world. In the period of transition which has followed immediately on the declaration of peace, some proportion of that control is justified. One school of thought claims that this control should be permanently retained. Professor A. C. Pigon explains and criticises in the last number of The Economic Journal three distinct types of Government control, viz., (1) administrative intervention by Government in industry designed to increase production, (2) Government interference with the allocation of supplies between different industries, different firms and different individual consumers-which may be grouped together under the general name of rationing and (3) Governmental regulation of prices. (1) The underlying motive of intervention in the first case has been to force capital enterprise and labour forthwith into the production of particular urgently needed things. Government has also intervened with a view to breaking down various rules and customs which have been built up by trade-unions for the protection of working people and which are believed to hamper output. There is no particular reason why government should not return, so far as administrative intervention to stimulate production is concerned, to the general attitude which it was accustomed to before the War. The quasi-public administrative control of railways during the War may be continued even after the return of normal peace conditions; whether this should be developed into definite nationalisation may be regarded as an open question. (2) The question of rationing in the permanent peace practice of the country is permanently bound up with the question of price control. The solution will be quite different according as prices are or are not limited in such a way, that, at the legalised price, the quantity of the things demanded is greater than the quantity offered for sale. Not all price control involves this kind of limitation. The distinction is not between control and absence of control over prices, but between a kind of control that causes demand at the controlled price to exceed supply and absence of this control. In industries which obey the law of increasing returns, obstruction to purchase will actually increase the price to others and lesson the supplies available for them. In industries which obey the law of diminishing returns, rationing which limits the consumption of some, would, even as a permanent policy, benefit. others. The technical difficulties of building up a permanent rationing system will be very great. The rationing of materials to various firms engaged in the same industry, and the rationing of them between different industries as a whole would present much greater difficulties. (3) Price Control. The main motive of pricecontrol is a desire to prevent profiteering. Permanent Government control over the price of things produced under competitive conditions, is not required as a preventive of profiteering, because for competitive industries as a whole, competitive. conditions are themselves an adequate preventive, while Government control is objectionable, because it will hamper production. But there is a strong case for State action to regulate the charges which may be made for monopolised and parti ally monopolised articles, and the case for Government control over these has been strengthened to some small extent by the experience of the War. "All About the War-The Indian Review War, Book." A comprehensive and authentic account of the War with numerous portraits and illustrations. Edited by G. A. Natesan with an introduction by Lord Pentland and an appreciation by Lord Hardinge. Price Rs. 4. To Subscribers of the I.R. Rs.3. G. A. Natesan & Co., Publishers, George Town, Madras. The History of Indian Guilds A recent number of the Bengal Economic Journal has from the pen of Mr. J. C. Sinha a description of the guild system as it existed in the industrial life of India from very ancient times. He says that the Laws of Manu (first century A.D.) and Yajnavalkya (200-300 A.D.) give us a glimpse of the laws of early Indian corporations. The earliest apparent reference to guilds is in the Brahmanas which were composed circa 800-500 BC. The word Shresthin occurring in certain of the passages of the Brahmanas has been explained as meaning the headman of a guild. In the post-Vedic period, we come across distinct references to guilds which are mentioned in the Dharma Sutras and in the great epics. There are also frequent allusions to guilds in the early Buddhist literature. In the age of the Jathakas, the most important handicrafts were organised into guilds which had powers of arbitration even in purely social matters. Going next to the Artha Shastra, we find numerous references to guilds of artisans which were very wealthy institutions. In Manu, the laws of the guild stand on a footing of equality with the laws of castes and of families. In the Narada-Smrithi which belongs to about 500 A.D., there is an interesting description of the rules of apprenticeprove that ship. But this of course does not there existed associations of craftsmen. In the Brihaspathi Smrithi which belongs to a somewhat later period, there is an allusion to a board of advisers, the companies of artisans and other associations. There are also numerous inscriptions giving us positive proofs of the existence of guilds during the early Hindu period. In the Nasik Cave Inscription of Usha wadatta, there is reference to guilds which received permanent deposits of money and paid interest on them for generations. As early as the tenth century and possibly in much earlier times, there were in South India professional guilds. In the Sukranithi which in its present form belongs to the tenth or eleventh century A.D., artisans were to decide their disputes according to the usages of their guild. Alburuni writing about 1030 A.D. also speaks of eight guilds. But all these evidences do not give us detailed information about the nature and organisation of the guild. It is probable that their constitution was similar to that of a political and religious body. In the Muhammadan period, guilds continued to exist. In the Ain-i- Akbar of Abul' Fasil, there is a distinct reference to guilds. Burnier, the French traveller, found during the 17th century traces of the guild system. In the British period, the history of Indian guilds is a history of their gradual decline: The chief causes of their decline are the rise of the modern class of merchants and manufacturers, improvements in communication and the rapid increase in the machine-made increase into India as well as the spread of individualism, modern ideas of personal selfishness, the gradual denationalisation of the Indians and their distaste for Indian handicrafts. There were, besides craft guilds, merchant guilds also in India and the former arose before the formation of the latter. The organisation and the function of the Indian guilds are in many respects similar to those of European guilds. The guilds now devote their attention mainly to their social and religious functions and they do not exercise any important trade functions at all. INDIA IN PERIODICALS THE RECOVERY OF INDIAN WOMEN. By Annie Be- CHILD LABOUR IN INDIA. By Prof. H. A. Hanson M.A., S.T.B. [The Modern Review, February 1919.] PROBLEMS OF SOCIAL REFORM. By the Hon. Dewan THE SINHALESE NATIONAL MOVEMENT. By the Moslems and Turkey An important memorial has been sent to Mr. Balfour by H. H. Aga Khan and other Moslems regarding the future of Turkey. The document urges: We have read with great concern the suggestions recently put forward in the Press from various irresponsible quarters regarding the future of Constantinople to the effect that it should be taken from taken from its present possessors, in spite of the Ottomans being the most populous single nationality in Constantinople, and be made over to some Christian people or State, or be placed under international control. We therefore feel it our duty to point out at the earliest opportunity, that such course, if adopted, would be in direct conflict with the vital principle of Nationality placed in the fore-front of the war-aims of the Allies and would cause not only among the Moslems of India but also among Mussalmans throughout the world grave dissatisfaction. In the course of four centuries Constantinople has undergone complete transformation and is now in all essentials a Moslem City. It is honeycombed with Moslem institutions and is covered on all sides with memorials of their Faith. Its population is predominantly Turkish by race and Moslem by faith as was recently admitted in the clearest terms in the House of Commons. The solemn declaration of the Prime Minister made only a short time ago that the Turkish nation will retain their sovereignty unimpaired in their home-land with Constantinople as the capital of their territories, had a re-assuring effect on the Mussalman population of India. and elsewhere, and we feel cortain that any departure from that memorable pronouncement would create the gravest disappointment. The Mussalmans who have shed their blood or helped with their resources in the defence of the Empire are entitled to expect that the principle of national unity and freedom will be maintained in the case of Turkey as in the case of the European peoples. Any other course would give rise to a most painful impression that the high principles and lofty ideals which secured for the Allied cause the adhesion and loyal co-operation of the larger part of the Moslem world were abandoned in the case of Turkey because she is a Moslem State. We feel confident, however, that no racial or religious prejudices will be allowed to impair the trust of the Moslem nations in the good faith of the Allies and that the settlement of this momentous world-problem will be based on the principles of justice and equity, and of national unity and national rule laid down by the · Prime Minister of Great Britain and the President of the United States. In Asia from the Northern Borders of Syria Proper up to the Egean and the Black Sea, along the Southern littoral as far as the frontiers of Azerbaijan, the population, numbering roughly, 19 to 20 millions, is in some districts exclusively and in others preponderantly Turkish in race and Moslem in faith. In Thrace also the conditions are the same; the population is predominantly Turkish. We respectfully submit that the whole of this territory with Constantinople as its capital should be left in the hands of the Turkish nation in accordance with the declaration of the Prime Minister. The right of nations based on nationality to remain under their own governments and to possess the power of selfdetermination proclaimed and insisted upon by the Allies applies equally to Christians and Moslems. We do not ask for a new status for the Turkish nation; we urge that the Turkish nation should have the same rights as Christian nationahties to hold the territories which they inhabit exclusively or where they form the preponderant portion of the population, as they have done heretofore. Hon. Mr. Sastry on the Rowlatt Bills The Rowlatt Bills have been strongly condemned all over the country and as might be expected the speeches made in the Imperial Legislative Council by non-official Indian members in opposing this retrogade measure were of a high order. The Indian members strongly maintained their opposition to the introduction of any repressive legislation in addition to those already in the hands of the executive. The Hon. Mr. V. S. Srinivasa Sastry in opposing the Hon. Mr. Vincent's Bill No. 1 made a made a very impressive speech which was listened to with interest by officials and non-officials alike. We have no space here for the full text of the speech, at the conclusion of which, the reports say, "there was an outburst of applause in which the European members and even some officials were compelled to join." We extract a few paragraphs My Lord, as I have read these things, whenever a repressive law is in exercise, every single exercise of it is at once openly challenged, a public enquiry is probably held anvhow, a committee is appointed to take evidence. What happens in India? A press law is passed. Ten years afterwards in the Supreme Legislative Council an enquiry to be conducted by a mixed commission appointed by the Council is asked for and Your Excellency's Government come forward and say, "We will not appoint a committee, we will not face an inquiry into this affair." Now that kind of thing is not a circumstance which encourages us to go forward and place summary powers in the hands of the executive, because we fear with some experience behind us that you will not submit your actions to the scrutiny of the public, as every exercise of arbitrary power should be submitted. Then we are told with almost pathetic simplicity why need quite worthy of a parental Government, The honest man need not the innocent fear"? walk in fear of these repressive measures. They are meant only to punish the wicked and they will be used only to punish the wicked. Let the virtuous go about an I wish that this usual in the exercise of their work idyllic picture were true in India or anywhere. Now, My Lord, a bad law once passed is not always used against the bad, in times of panic, to which all alien Governments are unfortunately far too liable in times of panic, caused it may be by very slight incidents. I have known Governments lose their heads. I have known a reign of terror being brought about. I have known the best, the noblest Indians, the highest characters amongst us brought under suspicion, standing in hourly dread of the visitations of the C.I.D. I remember in my own time--it is not a very long experience I have of these matters, but I can remem ber-a very valued friend of mine now alas! no more, a saint amongst men telling me with almost tears in his eyes, "I have borne a good character all along, but I have recently become a suspect of the C.ID. and my life is passed in bitterness and sorrow." Why? Because the Government started a policy of suspicion generally in the locality and when they sent their minions of the C.I.D., none, not even the most trusted friends of the Government, were safe. I can remember, My Lord, in the year 1908 when I went round organising District Congress Committees, such a blight had fallen on the political world. The C.I.D. had been so active, the repressive policy of the Government had been so manifest that it was impossible in many places to get people to come together to a public meeting. "Oh no, not now, not now," they said. A gentleman high in office at that time and about to retire from service, met me in the middle of the night on one occasion. I was quite surprised and he told me, "my dear fellow, I have been longing to see you these three or four days that you have been here, but this place swarms with spies and police informers. I am nearing my pension and have many children. I do not wish to be mixed up with a member of the Servants of India Society to their knowledge." But it is all very well to say that the innocent are safe. I tell you, My Lord, when the Government undertakes a repressive policy, the innocent are not safe. Men like me would not be considered innocent. The innocent man then is he, who forswears politics, who takes no part in the public movements of the times, who retires into his house, mumbles his prayers, pays his taxes and salaams all the Government officials all round. The man who interferes in politics, the man who goes about collecting money for any public purpose, the man who addresses a public meeting then becomes a suspect. * There is one remark Sir, which I must make and that in justice to the feeling in the country, of which for the moment I am the spokesman. I do not think the Hon'ble the Law Member could have meant all that he said when he said, that some of us were indulging in threats of agitation. I venture to think that no one here, who has spoken against the Bill indulged in anything, which might truthfully be described as a threat of agitation. None of us certainly, none of the Moderates, I take leave to say, has power to go and stir up a violent agitation in the country. It is impossible. The agitation must be there already. The heart must be throbbing, if any words that we use here can possibly have any effect on the general political atmosphere. The agitation is there. I wish to assure my official colleagues we had no share in it, but if our appeals fall flat, if the Bill goes through, I do not believe there is anyone here who would be doing his duty, if he did not join the agitation. That is not a threat. I take leave to think that is by no means a threat. Anyhow I am the best judge of my own mind and I do not indulge in any threats. I have yet borne no part in this agitation. But if everything goes wrong, if we are face to face with this legislation, how it is possible for me with the views that I hold, to abstain from agitation, I for one cannot say. |