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higher than it ftands at prefent, or even argues in Favour of fuch Conduct, either with a View to feduce the People, or to ingratiate himself with his Prince, is the worst of Traytors, and deferves the Curfe and Hatred of the whole Community.

Sir William Temple, in his Obfervations upon the Dutch Republick, made this judicious Remark.. "That this ftomachful People, who could not endure the leaft Exercife of arbitrary Power, or Impofitions, under the Spanish Government, have been fince inured to digeft them in the highest Degree, under their own popular Magiftrates; bridled with hard Laws; "terrify'd with fevere Executions; environ'd with foreign Forces; and opprefs'd with the most cruel "Hardships, and Variety of Taxes, that was ever known ❝ under any Government.

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The Reason of this great and general Content, under the most fevere Oppreffion, was only This; that They found every one fubject to the fame Law. The Perfons in the Adminiftration could make no Advantage from the publick Calamities. On the contrary, They felt the Weight of the publick Misfortunes more heavily than Thofe, who had lefs Intereft in the general Welfare. It was never obferved in that Country, thaf the principal Men in the Commonwealth encreased in Riches, in Proportion as the Country grew poorer, or the Publick labour'd under heavier Taxes. These Evils were well guarded againft by, their Conftitution; and therefore They confider'd all their Misfortunes as a wife and juft Regulation of Providence for fome important Ends, which confequently They never repined at.

The Hanover Succeffion under the Limitations, which I have mention'd, and on which it is founded, has obtain'd, in a great Measure, thefe Advantages for us. The Prince himself is now fubject to the Law, and the Act of Settlement binds him equally with the meanest Peafant.

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The Benefits of this excellent Establishment are not fo easily discover'd, 'till fome Abufes happen. But if ever a weak and corrupt Adminiftration fhould arife; if an evil Minifter fhould embezzle the publick Treasure ; if He fhould load the Nation, in Times of Peace, with Taxes greater than would be neceffary to defray the Charge of an expenfive War; if the Money thus raifed fhould be expended, under the Pretence of fecret Services, to line his own Pockets; to ftop the Mouths of his hungry Dependents; to bribe fome future Parliament to approve his Meafures; and to patch up an ill-digefted, bafe, difhonourable Peace with foreign Powers, whom He fhall have offended by a continued Series of Provocations and Blunders; if He fhould ad vife his Sovereign to make it a Maxim, that his Security confifted in the Continuance, or Increase of the publick Debts, and that his Grandeur was founded on the Poverty of his Subjects; if He fhould hazard the Affections of the People, by procuring greater Revenues for the Crown, than They could be able to fpend, or the People be well able to raise; and after This engage his Prince to demand ftill farther Sums as his Right, which all Men fhould be fenfible were not his Due; I fay, if the Nation fhould ever fall under these unhappy Circumftances, They will then find the Excellence of a free Conftitution. The publick Difcontent, which upon fuch Occafions has formerly burst forth in a Torrent of Blood, of universal Confufion and Defolation, will make itself known only in faint Murmurs, and dutiful general Complaints. The Nation will wait long, before They engage in any defperate Measures, that may endanger a Conftitution, which They justly adore, and from which They confidently expect a fure, though perhaps a dilatory Justice, upon fuch an enormous Offender.

These are the ineltimable Advantages of our prefent, bappy Settlement. Let us prize it as we ought. Let us not have the worfe Opinion of the Thing itself, beVOL. XI.

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cause it may, in fome Inftances, be abufed. But let us retain the highest Veneration for it. Let us remember how much it is our Right, and let us resolve to preferve it untainted and inviolate. Thus fhall we truly ferve our King; we fhall do our Duty to our Country; and preferve ourselves in the Condition, for which all Men were originally defign'd; That is, of a free People. Q.

No 372. SATURDAY, Aug. 18, 1733.

T is ftrange to confider what ridiculous Things are often done by Men, who plead a Sort of Title to the highest Offi. ces of Government, by Pretences of extraordinary Wisdom and Skill in political Affairs. They seem to imagine that a Minifter hath nothing elfe to do than to form a Party, juft ftrong enough to fupport Him at Court, and to carry on his Bufinefs in national Affemblies. When He hath effected this Point, by a proper Diftribution of Places, Penfions and Honours, He thinks He hath confummated his Character as a Politician, and drives on the Chariot of Government thro' thick and thin, without regarding what is faid of Him, or how his Conduct is cenfured by ordinary Spectators. His Flatterers immediately extol Him as a Perfon of infinite Addrefs, and exclaim in Raptures that no Man in the Kingdom befides Himfelf is equal to fuch a Post.

But This is only the Quackery of Government, which every little, State-Mountebank underftands, and requires no more Skill than packing a Jury, or carrying a Caufe in Westminster-Hall, by Subornation and falle

Evidence.

Evidence. The true Art of Government confists in a general Knowledge of Mankind, and the particular Difpofition of the People to be govern'd. This is the Science, which a Minifter of real Abilities will always study and endeavour to cultivate, as the most glorious and only folid Foundation of Power, in a free Country; for there is but very little Difference between a People's being govern'd according to the Will of their Rulers, and being govern'd in a Manner contrary to their own Will. One is the natural Confequence of the other, and therefore both may be properly call'd arbitrary Government.

Though This is a Truth, as plain and felf-evident as Day-light, yet nothing is more common amongst the Ceatures of Courts than to defpife the Senfe and Voice of the People, whenever they happen to clash with their own Meafures. They are call'd the Vulgar, the Mob, the Rabble, with other ignominious Names, and treated as if They were of fome inferior Species, who are defign'd only for Labour, and have no more to do with Matters of Government than the Beasts of the Field. It may therefore be worth our Time to examine this Point a little, and fee how it ftands, according to Reason, Experience, and the Conftitution of England.

I hope there is no Occafion to premise that I do not defign this Paper as an Apology for what is properly call'd the Mob, or Dregs of any Nation; (I mean thofe vagabond Wretches, who chufe to lead a loose, idle, diforderly Life, rather than get an honeft Subfiftence by Labour and Industry ;) but for the Body of the common People in general, as They are diftinguish'd from Perfons of Fortune, Quality and Distinction.

Now, if We confider thefe People, with Regard to their natural Capacities, We fhall find Them as docible and intelligent in their Way, as Men of a much higher Rank. They have not, indeed, the fame Advantages of Education; and therefore want feveral Accomplish

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ments of Learning, Politeness and acquired Knowledge, which fome others may poffefs. But take Them in their respective Callings, We fhall find Them as capable of Business, and of negotiating their own Affairs, as the proudest of Thofe, who pique Themselves upon a Superiority of Genius, as well as Station.

If We take a View of Them in a moral Light, I believe They will appear to be, generally speaking, as honeft and juft in their Dealings, as cordial in their Friendships, and as true to all their Engagements, as any Courtier, or Minifter of State in the whole Kingdom.

Nay, even as to political Affairs, We fhall not find Them to be fuch a ftupid Herd, as They are commonly represented by Court Writers. They are not, perhaps, very intimately acquainted with the different Interefts and Views of the feveral Courts of Europe, or the tedious Detail of intricate and contradictory Treaties, which are fufficient to puzzle the wifeft Head in Christendom, and even the Negotiators themselves would be at a Lofs to explain; but it is ridiculous to fuppofe Them altogether ignorant of domeftick Affairs, and the general Intereft of their own Country. They judge of publick Measures, both in Peace and War, by the Effects, which they produce on their Trade and Dealings; a much furer Criterion than That, by which Gentlemen of Fortune are apt to form their Opinion of thefe Affairs. For my own Part, I am not ashamed to declare that I have heard many a poor Tradesman and Country Farmer talk more fenfibly on this Subject than fome Perfons, who affect a great deal of Wisdom, and make no fmall Figure in the political World.

What therefore have these Men done to deserve such Treatment as They have lately received? It is commonly esteem'd very unjust, as well as difhonourable, to reflect on any particular Order, or Profeffion of Men, for the Vices or Follies of a Few; but to abufe the Body of a whole People, which includes all Orders

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