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CH. IV.]

Union. . . .

ARGUMENT OF MR. LINCOLN'S MESSAGE.

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What is now combatted, whole class of seceder politicians would

is the position that secession is consistent at once deny the power, and denounce

the act as the greatest outrage upon
state rights. But suppose that precisely
the same act, instead of being called
'driving the one out,' should be called
'the seceding of the others from that
one,' it would be exactly what the seced-
ers claim to do; unless, indeed, they
make the point that the one, because it
is a minority, may rightfully do what
the others, because they are a majority,
may not rightfully do."

with the Constitution-is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased, with money, the countries out of which several of these states were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without leave, and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions), to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off without consent, or without making any return? The nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding states, in common with the rest. Is it just, either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining states pay the whole? A part of the present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave, and pay no part of this herself? Again, if one state may secede, so may another; and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditors? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in The accompanying reports, from the peace, it is difficult to see what we can secretaries in the several departments, do if others choose to go, or to extort gave full and accurate information as terms upon which they will promise to to the position of affairs, and the deremain. . The principle (of se- mands which were to be made upon cession) is one of disintegration, and the country in the emergency 1861. upon which no government can possibly then existing. The entire army endure. If all the states, save one, force was thus computed: regulars and should assert the power to drive that one volunteers for three months and the out of the Union, it is presumed the war, 235,000; regiments of volunteers

In concluding his message, Mr. Lincoln, aware of the prospect before him at so eventful a crisis, used words of solemn earnestness: "In full view of his great responsibility, the executive has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views, and your action, may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens, who have been disturbed in their rights, of a certain and speedy restoration to them under the Constitution and the laws. And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts."

accepted and not yet in service, 50,000; Mervine, consisting of 21 vessels, 282 new regiments of the regular army, guns, and 3,500 men.* 25,000; making a total of 310,000. Deducting the 80,000 three months volunteers, 230,000 would be left for the effective national army for the war, and the speedy crushing out of the rebellion.

The secretary of the treasury, Mr. Chase, in view of the vast increase of expenditures consequent upon the crisis into which the country had fallen, estimated the coming year's outlay at $300,000,000. To meet this expendi Secretary Welles, of the navy, re- ture, custom duties, direct taxes and ported, that, on the 4th of March, there loans were recommended; and the sewere 69 vessels of all classes, in the cretary set forth at large that, in his navy, mounting 1,346 guns. The ves- judgment, the people would sustain sels in commission were mostly on the government in its call for funds to foreign stations, with about 7,500 men, crush the rebellion. Startling as was exclusive of officers and marines. The the prospect of passing from the ordin home squadron consisted of 12 vessels, ary outlay of $60,000,000 a year to carrying 187 guns, and about 2,000 five times that amount, the government men; added to this, was the demorali- found by experience, that the loyal supzation among navy officers (259 re- porters of the Constitution and laws signed or were dismissed the service were fully equal to the demands then, between March 4th and July 4th), al- or at any time, to be made upon them.t though to their honor be it recorded, Congress addressed itself to its duties the crews, like brave and loyal men, with energy and determination. It was stood by the flag of the Union, and a fixed fact, that the Union must be were not to be seduced into betraying maintained, and the legislature, by its or deserting it. Necessity compelling votes, proved what was the spirit of immediate action, the navy department had, previous to the meeting of Congress, secured transport steamers, and given out contracts to build 23 gunboats, each of about 500 tons burden, as well as larger vessels. Eight sloops of war were put in forwardness at the navy yards, and seamen were being actively recruited. The effective force, at this date (July 4th), consisted of the squadron on the Atlantic coast, under the command of Flag-Officer S. H. Stringham, consisting of 22 vessels, 296 guns, and 3,300 men-and the squadron in the Gulf of Mexico, under the command of Flag-Officer William

the people on this subject. The army was increased by authorizing the endistment of 500,000 volunteers; the navy received its proportional increase; a

*To assist the secretary in the labors of the de

partment, the president was directed to appoint an assistant secretary of the navy. This office was con great practical experience and sagacity, and at the time chief clerk in the navy department. His promotion was hailed with pleasure as a promise of increased vigor in the service. See Dr. Boynton's "History of the

ferred upon Lieutenant G. V. Fox, a gentleman of

Navy during the Rebellion," vol. i., chap. III., pp. 56–69.

About a month after the adjournment of Congress, Mr. Chase issued a circular, appealing to the citizens

of the United States for subscriptions to the two hundred and fifty million loan. The appeal was promptly met, and the secretary's circular did good service in

setting forth the ability and resources of the country

for so critical a condition of affairs as the present.

CH. IV.]

PREVAILING SENTIMENT IN CONGRESS.

loan of $250,000,000 and $50,000,000 issue of treasury notes were authorized; import duties were increased; taxes were laid, collectable at a future day; etc. Here and there, there were men like Vallandingham of Ohio, B. Wood of New York, Burnett of Kentucky, and such like, who made every sort of opposition to the means proposed in order to sustain the government; but they were a small, and on the whole, insignificant minority, and Congress went on vigorously with its work, despite their efforts to the contrary.

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The army bill was very ably and warmly debated in the Senate, on the 18th of July, and it is interesting to note the sentiments and views expressed by eminent men in Congress, just before the humiliating repulse at Bull Run, and when, on the loyal side, there was a general and confident expectation that the rebellion would speedily be subdued. Mr. Sherman of Ohio, avowed that, in his view, there was no intention of subjugating any state, or interfering with slavery. Mr. Dixon of Connecticut, declared emphatically, that Without attempting to go into de- if the question was, either let the govtails, we may notice a few of the pro- ernment or slavery be destroyed, then minent points of interest at this extra of course slavery must perish. Mr. session. On the 9th of July, Mr. Love Browning of Illinois, uttered words of joy of Illinois, offered the following re- similar import: "If the South force solution, which was adopted by upon us the issue, whether the governthe House: "Resolved, That in ment shall go down to maintain the inthe judgment of this House, it is no stitutions of slavery, or whether slavery part of the duty of the soldiers of the shall be obliterated to sustain the ConUnited States to capture and return stitution and the government, for which fugitive slaves." This bore more or our fathers fought and bled, and the less directly upon the views set forth in principles that were concentrated in Gen. McClellan's proclamation in May, their blood,—I say, sir, when the issue (see p. 43, note), on the subject of sla- comes, if they force it upon us, that very and insurrection of the slaves, and one or the other is to be overthrown, what he and the army would do in such then I am for the government and a state of affairs. On the 10th of July, against slavery, and my voice and my Mr. Clark of New Hampshire, moved vote shall be for sweeping the last vesthe expulsion from the Senate, on the tige of barbarism from the face of the ground of their being engaged in a con- continent." Other senators, who took spiracy against the Union, of Messrs. part in the debate, while they held that Mason and Hunter from Virginia, slavery did not produce the rebellion, Clingman and Bragg from North Caro- and deprecated sentiments like those lina, Chesunt from South Carolina, just noticed, were still ready and willNicholson from Tennessee, Sebastian ing to give heart and hand to the putting down disunion and rebellion.

1861.

and Mitchell from Arkansas, Hemphill and Wigfall from Texas; which was accordingly done

In the House, Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, on the 19th of July offered a

ing; but it passed by a large vote. In
the House, this bill was earnestly de-
bated. It was opposed by the
venerable Mr. Crittenden and
others, as unconstitutional and danger-

1861.

resolution declaring, that the present forward free, any law to the contrary war was forced upon the country by notwithstanding. It was opposed by southern disunionists, and that Con- some senators as irritating and alarmgress, disclaiming all intention of interfering with the rights, or institutions of the states, and all purpose of conquest, would prosecute the war to defend the Constitution and preserve the Union. The resolution was laid over till Mon- ous; but it was strenuously and forday, the 22d, and then passed almost cibly advocated by various members, unanimously. The same resolution as needful in the present state of affairs, was adopted by the Senate, July 24th, and as perfectly within the province on motion of Andrew Johnson. It may of the legislature to determine upon. be set down to the credit of the nation. The bill was finally agreed to by a vote al legislature, that, notwithstanding the of 60 to 48. gloomy and disheartening condition of affairs, on this memorable Monday, the members went on steadily with their work; and the House, unanimously:

"Resolved, That the maintenance of the Constitution, the preservation of the Union, and the enforcement of the laws, are sacred trusts which must be executed; that no disaster shall discourage us from the most ample performance of this high duty; and that we pledge to the country and to the world the employment of every resource, national and individual, for the suppression, overthrow, and punishment of rebels in arms." Three days later, the Senate adopted a resolution to the same effect, which lacked only one vote (Breckenridge of Kentucky) to render it unani

mous.

On the 24th of July, the Senate considered a bill to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes by persons engaged in rebellion, to which Mr. Trumbull moved an amendment: by this, slaves, if employed by their masters to aid in rebellion, were thence

On the last day of the session, on motion of Mr. Wilson of Massachusetts, a clause was added to the bill increas ing the pay of soldiers, by which it was enacted, "That all the acts, proclamations and orders of the president of the United States, after the 4th of March, 1861, respecting the army and navy of the United States, and calling out or relating to the militia or volunteers from the states, are hereby approved, and in all respects legalized and made valid, to the same intent, and with the same effect, as if they had been issued and done under the previous express authority and direction of the Congress of the United States." The bill was agreed to by the House, and Congress adjourned on the 6th of August, after a session of only thirty-three days.*

Just at the close of the session a joint resolution of the two houses was unanimously adopted, asking the president to call upon the people to supplicate God's mercy and forbearance towards our country.

The president acted upon the recommendation of Congress, and on the 12th of August issued a very earnest proclamation, appointing September 26th as a national

fast-day. The people observed the day in every part of the loyal states.

CH. IV

DAVIS AND THE REBEL CONGRESS

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nation. They are at last compelled to abandon the pretence of being engaged in dispersing rioters and suppressing insurrections, and are driven

1861.

The Confederate Congress (see p. 43) met for the first time in Richmond, July 20th, the day before the battle of Bull Run. The message of Davis was of the usual length, but characterized to the acknowledgment that by an acrimonious, irritable spirit against President Lincoln, and what he had said in his message to Congress, July 4th. Davis's language indicated quite clearly, though undesignedly, that he as well as his co-workers in rebellion were not at all pleased at the energy and determination manifested by our government and people; and whether he intended to deceive the people of the South, or make capital abroad, he stopped at nothing in order to accomplish his purpose. A passage or two may be quoted as illustrating the chief rebel's views and statements. "The rapid progress of events, for the last few weeks, has fully sufficed to lift the veil behind which the true policy and purpose of the government of the United States had been previously concealed. Their odious features now stand fully revealed. The message of their president, and the action of their Congress during the present month, confess their intention of the subjugation of these states by a war, by which it is impossible to attain the proposed result, while its dire calamities, not to be avoided by us, will fall with double severity on themselves. . . These enormous preparations in men and money, for the conduct of the war, on a scale more grand than any which the new world ever witnessed, is a distinct avowal, in the eyes of civilized man, that the United States are engaged in a conflict with a great and powerful

the ancient Union has been dissolved. They recognize the separate existence of these Confederate states, by an interdictive embargo and blockade of all commerce between them and the United States, not only by sea, but by land 1; not only in ships, but in cars; not only with those who bear arms, but with the entire population of the Confederate states. Finally, they have repudiated the foolish conceit that the inhabitants of this confederacy are still citizens of the United States; for they are waging an indiscriminate war upon them all, with savage ferocity, unknown in modern civilization."

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Davis announced his purpose and plan of retaliation on account of the privateersmen captured by the United States, and on trial for piracy. With congratulations at having escaped all connection with the loyal states, he called for increase of the army, lauded the devotion of the people of the South, and wound up with a glorification of the "calm and sublime devotion" displayed on all hands.

Various measures were adopted by the rebel congress, principally looking to financial difficulties, which already began to press heavily upon the secessionists, and were among the most perplexing to manage in the existing state of affairs. Beside the "produce loan," treasury notes were authorized to the extent of $100,000,000; a war tax was imposed; etc. The army was reported

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