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that it was necessary to protect American lives and property, without going into particulars and telling his countrymen what interests were affected, whether any had been injured and to what dangers they were exposed. On the contrary he took the ground that the press and people of the United States were bound to support his action without questioning his rights or his wisdom. The statement of facts which follows has been gathered from other sources, and if there is any inaccuracy the President cannot complain since he does not tell us what the facts are.

In 1850 the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty was signed by the United States and Great Britain providing for a neutral canal across Nicaragua, which country was not consulted. America's interest, therefore, in Nicaragua dates back almost three quarters of a century, but as time went on the joint interest with Great Britain in the canal was no longer favored. The United States adopted a policy of obtaining an interest of its own. Zelaya opposed the efforts of the United States to extend its control over Nicaragua by obtaining new concessions, and as a result in 1909 a revolution was started by the Conservatives in Nicaragua against President Zelaya, who belonged to the Liberal party. That insurrection was on the point of being crushed when the United States intervened on the ground that two Americans, Groce and Cannon, had been murdered by Zelaya; and as a result Zelaya was expelled and a man of very high cultivation and intellect, Dr. José Madriz, succeeded him. But the United States, not satisfied with this, forced out Madriz and established

the Conservatives in power. The Government at that time controlled the whole country with the exception of the port of Bluefields which was occupied by the revolutionists.

In 1912 General Luis Mena began a revolution, and although himself a Conservative, was backed by the Liberals. The uprising became so general that the overthrow of the government which the American Government was backing seemed imminent; whereupon between 1500 and 2000 United States marines were despatched to Nicaragua on the pretext of protecting American life and property. They fulfilled this duty by fighting side by side with the government troops to whom they supplied the necessary arms and ammunition. Thus the Liberals were killed off by thousands with slight loss to us.

When the control of Nicaragua had been secured in this way, the American flag was hoisted on the Nicaragua "White House," and presidential elections were called. As our diplomatic representative agreed to Conservative candidates only, the Liberal party, composed of about seventy-five per cent of the people, refused to vote. Nevertheless, we held these elections to be valid, and the elected government is still being maintained in power by the presence of the American marines quartered in the "White House" at Managua, the capital of Nicaragua. There is no question whatever that our troops kept the administration in power, and this is confirmed by LieutenantColonel Charles G. Long, one of our commanding officers, on November 18, 1912, who said in his report: "The Liberals constitute three fourths of the country. The present Govern

ment is not in power by the will of the people."

This revolution against the government which opposed the designs of the United States was financed to the extent of $600,000 by Adolfo Diaz, now the so-called Conservative President, at that time a local official of La Luz & Los Angeles Mining Company, an American corporation, who was receiving a salary of $1000 a year. A provisional government was established and at its head was a general by the name of Estrada who favored the policies of the United States. He was bitterly opposed by the people of Nicaragua, but was sustained in office solely by our support for the purpose of floating a loan and the control of customs to secure that loan.

In May, 1911 Estrada resigned in favor of Vice-President Adolfo Diaz in regard to which the American minister wired the State Department: "A war vessel is necessary for the moral effect." In the meanwhile through the good offices of the Department of State a small loan of $1,500,000, afterward increased to $2,500,000, was placed with New York bankers. The proceeds were used to establish a national bank in Nicaragua and to pay off some of the most pressing claims; and by this device, with the consent of our Government, a strong financial interest in Nicaragua was secured by Americans which could be used as an excuse for interference. The policy of refusing to recognize Nicaraguan governments that were not controlled by American interests and actively supporting the governments backed by American interests became well established.

The present difficulty began in 1923 with the death of President Chamorro who was succeeded by Vice-President Martinez. Martinez had his own personal ambitions which were not backed by his associates, and as a result Carlos Solorzano, a Conservative, was selected as the nominee for president and Juan Bautista Sacasa, a Liberal, for vicepresident. Meanwhile the regular Conservative party met in convention and nominated Emiliano Chamorro, and the Liberal party named Dr. Luis Corea.

The new Coalition Government composed of Solorzano and Sacasa entered office on January 1, 1925, and was duly recognized by the United States. Later Solorzano retired and Sacasa was driven out. On November 14, 1926, there having been various governments which the United States declined to recognize, Adolfo Diaz was inaugurated as president. President Diaz upon his inauguration addressed a note to the United States Government requesting its guidance, coöperation and aid in restoring peace and order. He declared that he could easily control the situation if it were not for the hostile attitude of the Government of Mexico, which also imperiled the interests of Americans and foreigners in Nicaragua and threatened what he described as the "continental equilibrium." And at the conclusion of his note he said: "I desire to manifest to you at the same time that whatever may be the means chosen by the Department of State, they will meet with the approval of my absolute confidence in the high spirit of justice of the Government of the United States."

Three days later the United States

recognized the Diaz Government. The following day it was announced by the State Department at Washington that Diaz had asked for American assistance to protect American and foreign lives and property, and on December 18 he stated that he expected this assistance when he took office, and depended on it to retain it. The United States was privy to the movement which put Diaz in power, and his cry for help was expected. After this events moved steadily and rapidly. Having planted a strong military and naval force in Nicaragua which could overcome any resistance that Nicaraguans could offer, the President sent down Henry L. Stimson, not an officer of the United States confirmed by the Senate, but the personal representative of the President, who wrote the following letter to General José Moncada, commander-in-chief of the forces opposed to Diaz: "Dear General Moncada:

Confirming our conversation of this morning, I have the honor to inform you that I am authorized to say that the President of the United States intends to accept the request of the Nicaraguan Government to supervise the elections in 1928; that retention of President Diaz during the remainder of his term is regarded as necessary for the proper and successful conduct of such elections, and that the forces of the United States are authorized to accept the custody of the arms of those who are willing to lay them down, including the Government's, and to disarm forcibly those who will not do so. Very respectfully,


The Associated Press despatch from Washington under date of May 6, made this report:

"A truce until to-morrow to enable General Moncada, Liberal commander-in-chief to try to persuade his followers to surrender their arms to American marines was disclosed in the State Department announcement made public to-night.

"The eight conditions enumerated by Mr. Stimson as governing the suppression of civil war, made no reference to any threat on his part that American marines would disarm any Liberal troops which failed to turn in their weapons. In a message dated yesterday, however, Mr. Stimson expressed the hope there would be disarmament except for possible small groups of 'Irreconcilables and bandits.'

"The program, as Mr. Stimson now views it, may be outlined as follows: 1. Complete disarmament on both sides. 2. An immediate general peace to permit the planting for the new crop in June. 3. A general amnesty to all persons in rebellion or exile. 4. The return of all occupied or confiscated property to its owners. 5. Participation in the Diaz Cabinet by representative Liberals. 6. Organization of a Nicaraguan constabulary of a non-partizan basis, commanded by American officers. 7. American supervision of the 1928 election. 8. The continuance temporarily in the country of a sufficient force of American marines to guarantee order pending the organization of the constabulary."

It is interesting to quote this statement from Mr. Stimson:

"My investigation has shown that this evil of government domination

of elections lies, and has always lain, at the root of the Nicaraguan problem. Owing to the fact that a government once in power habitually perpetuates itself or its party in such power by controlling the election, revolutions had become inevitable and chronic, for by revolution alone can a party once in control of the government be dispossessed. All persons of every party with whom I have talked, admit the existence of this evil and its inevitable results, and all of them have expressed an earnest desire for the supervision of election by the United States in an attempt to get rid of the evil for



On what theory our troops are to be used may be gathered from the following:

"The organization of a non-partizan constabulary, under the instruction and command of American officers, is further suggested by President Diaz, who, in this connection, asks for the continuance in Nicaragua of a sufficient portion of our present naval force to insure order pending the organization of the constabulary.

"References in despatches from Nicaragua to the use of American troops to disarm Liberals may be in relation to this aspect of the peace terms, since they would impose on the American forces the duty of policing Nicaragua and suppressing any group that remained in arms, until such time as the new constabulary should be ready to assume its duties. The status of the American marines in such circumstances, however, would be that of a police force temporarily lent to the Nicaragua Government and acting by warrant

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The people pay, the interests profit and the President receives their support. It is time that usurpations such as these were characterized as they deserve, and that Congress asserted the rights of the American people and protected the rights of friendly nations from such abuse.

The President in his speech defending his course says that "while it is a well-established international law that we have no right to interfere in the purely domestic affairs of other nations in their dealings with their own citizens, it is equally wellestablished that our Government has certain rights over and certain duties toward our own citizens and their property wherever they may be located. The persons and property of its citizens are a part of the domain of the nation even when abroad." What an absurd contention is this! Were it true we should only have to get a citizen or body of citizens to buy land in some other country and thereby add it to our domain. For such simple method of annexation there is no precedent. Contrast this statement with the rule laid down by our eminent statesmen which has already been quoted, that "every nation has the right to territory within defined boundaries, and to exercise exclusive jurisdiction over this territory, and all persons, whether native or foreign, found therein."

It is worth while to observe that the President counts on the request of the Government of Nicaragua. Does this mean that Diaz is in power to-day as our representative and as our agent?


Now that our force is in control of Nicaragua, our army and navy in its

territory, its President in power only by our support, the morning paper, as I write, informs us that "President Coolidge sends messages of congratulation to five Central American republics on the event of the anniversary of their independence. The messages were addressed to President Ricardo Jimenez, Costa Rica; Miguel Paz Baraona, Honduras; Pio Romero Bosque, Salvador; Lazaro Chacon, Guatemala and Adolfo Diaz of Nicaragua." Can self-deception go further?

It is perhaps interesting to add that a scathing denunciation of the policies of the United States toward the countries of Latin America, by Horace G. Knowles, former American minister to Rumania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Nicaragua, Dominican Republic and Bolivia, enlivened Professor William R. Shepherd's recent round-table session on "self-determination in Latin America."

"Our national policy," he charged, "has always been to take all we can from them and to give as little as possible to them. We have a long arm for taking, and a short arm for giving. Instead of sending them teachers, instructors and helpers, we have sent concession hunters, conscienceless and usurious bankers, avaricious capitalists, bribers, commercial tricksters, murderers, soldiers to shoot them, degenerates and carriers of loathsome infectious diseases." Mr. Knowles said he was ready to prove these assertions.

Professor Borchard, a lawyer of eminence, who is very familiar with the Caribbean policy and who has been the Assistant Solicitor of the State Department states the case accurately as follows: "We must

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