would immediately arise from such a revision, would be the establishment of a better understanding with the French government, the lowering of the duties upon other French articles, and the increase, which he had no doubt would be consequent upon such a reduction, of the foreign consumption of British manufactures.

Another branch of his majesty's Speech gave him sincere satisfaction:he meant the recognition of some of the great empires in South America. How much of this policy belonged to the country, which had so strongly and repeatedly called for it-how much of it belonged to the executive government-how far the ministers had been driven into it-how little was the speed of their march-how small was their reluctance, or what was the measure or degree of their readiness, to do this justice to the country and to those new states;-it were now, perhaps, unnecessary, if not invidious to inquire. But all men would know and feel how much of it belonged to sir J. Mackintosh, who had shown himself the uniform, powerful, learned, and consistent advocate of those early and liberal views of enlightened colonial policy, which now at length met the assent of his majesty's government. He would not, however, on this occasion, quarrel with the share which the government had had in promoting the recent improvement. It was a great good to the country, at all events: if done by the ministers themselves, they deserved thanks for it; if done in obedience to the voice of the country, equally ought they to be praised for listening to the suggestion. The recognition had luckily taken place at last; and, however tardy the acknowledgment, still it was gratifying to

find, that it was not the price of any unworthy traffic, or paltry barter for mere commercial views. But was the display of liberal policy to stop here? Were the ministers never to do justice nearer home? Were they never to listen to the voice of Ireland? Was it there alone that sound policy was to be overlooked; and that, too, where one half of the empire was concerned? Upon that subject the country had an absolute right to have the undivided opinion, clearly expressed, of an intelligible and distinct cabinet? It was worse than idle to say, that the condition of Ireland was the only question on which a cabinet might be divided. We had proof, that there were too many opinions in which our ministers were far from concurrence. It was only last session, that the country witnessed one honourable colleague introducing in that House a change in the silk laws; and witnessing also, the same measure thrown out in the upper House by another noble colleague, who was upholden in that object by other members of the same administration. Measures, once designated by some of the members of the cabinet as Jacobinical, had at length been carried by the wisdom and manliness of the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Secretary Canning); who, backed as he was by public opinion on this question, backed by those who filled the benches around, would have triumphed, even had he been obliged to have left office on such grounds. Was he not bound, then, to follow up his principles, and let Ireland have the benefit of them, by giving to the Catholics the relief which they sought. I ask, said Mr. Broughham, the friends of Catholic emancipation in his majesty's government, why, having, as councillors

of the king, been enabled to carry measures which were opposed by the self-same persons, who refuse Catholic concession, they do not exercise, in the latter case, the power which has been triumphant in the former? They have not made the experiment. How, then, can they tell that it would not be successful? Of what are they afraid? What is their ground of alarm? Do they think that any one of their co-adjutors, some man of splendid talents, of profound learning, of unwearied industry, would give up his place? Do they think he would resign his office; that he would quit the great seal? A more chimerical apprehension never entered the brain of a distempered poet. Many things may surprise me, but nothing would so much surprise me as that the noble and learned individual to whom I allude, should quit his hold of office while life remains. In his generous mind, expanded as it has been by his long official career, there is no propensity so strong as a love of the service of his country. The more splendid the emoluments of a situation, the more extensive its patronage, the more he is persuaded that it is not allowed to a wise and good man to tear himself from it. I contend, therefore, that the right hon. gentlemen opposite underrate the firmness of their noble and learned colleague. Let them make the experiment; and if they succeed in wrenching power from his gripe, I shall thenceforward estimate them as nothing short of miracle-mongers. His present station the noble and learned lord holds as an estate for life. That is universally admitted. The only question is, whether he is to appoint his successor. By some it is

supposed that he has actually appointed him, and I own I have observed several symptoms of such being the case. However, I do intreat, that the perseverance of this eminent person may be put to the test. Let the right hon. gentleman say, he will resign, if the Catholic question is not carried in the cabinet: let the noble and learned lord say, that he will resign if it is carried. I am quite sure of the result. The Catholic question would be carried; but the noble and learned lord would retain his place. He would behave with the fortitude which has dis tinguished him in the other instances in which he has been defeated; and the country would not be deprived of his services for a single hour.

It is not surprising, continued Mr. Brougham, that the Catholics of Ireland have at length become impatient; and that, out of that impatience has arisen that Association which we are called upon, in his majesty's Speech, to put down by strong legislative measures. The Speech talks of " Associations" in the plural; and not without an object. I warn the House, however, not to be taken in by the contrivance. That little letter s, is one of the slyest introductions that Belial ever resorted to, in any of those speeches which are calculated to

make the worse appear The better reason, to perplex and dash Maturest counsels: for his thoughts are low."

I am perfectly aware by whom that s was added. I know the hand-writing. I know the reflection which passed through the mind of the writer. "I must put the word in the plural. It will then be considered as applicable

equally to Orange and to Catholic Associations, and the adversaries of both will be conciliated." Let not that little letter s, however, deceive a single person. Whatever affectation there may be of holding the balance even between the Catholic and the Orange Associations, it will be only a nominal equity. It will be like one of those "subtile equities" so well known in the court, over which the noble and learned lord, to whom I have been alluding, presides. Let the proposed measures be carried, and the Catholic Association will be strongly put down with one hand; while the Orange Association will receive only a gentle tap with the other.

Mr. Brougham declared, that if men are roused, it was not surprising that they should go a step beyond strict propriety. Making the allowance which it was but just to make under the peculiar circumstances of the case, he could not, after the most attentive observation and vigilant inspection of all which the Catholic Association had done and said, discover a single word or act which justified the charge conveyed in his majesty's Speech: and therefore from the very first to the very last of the proposed proceedings-on the first reading of the projected bill-nay, on the production of the papers, on which the motion for leave to bring in the bill would probably be founded, -he, for one, would take his stand and offer every opposition which he could, to what appeared to him to be an enormous mischief, bottomed in the grossest injustice, pregnant with the most fatal consequences, and leading, sooner or later, to the severance of the two kingdoms. He concluded by stating that, upon this occasion, he

had been prevented from taking a more decided course, solely by the reflection, that it would be injudicious to take the sense of the House upon his view of the question, when many of its most sincere and zealous supporters were absent.

Mr. Canning made a very spirited, and pointed, and somewhat contemptuous reply to the desultory harangue of Mr. Brougham. The hon. and learned gentleman, he observed, had asked him—"Why do not you, who have carried the South American question against an opposing minister, insist upon carrying the Catholic question also." Both the premises and the conclusion were wrong. Suppose the premises true, was there no difference between the Catholic question and the recognition of the South American States. "What had a minister to fear," the learned gentleman had asked, "with this House, these benches, the country, all England, at his back?" To which he would propose another question, "What would a minister do with only these benches, and with no England at his back?" One assumption of the hon. and learned gentleman's he (Mr. C.) must positively deny. He assumed the notion of a cabinet divided into two parties, and that a certain member of it, who was opposed to him upon the Catholic question, was also opposed to him on that of South America. He was entirely mistaken. The line, which was frequently drawn between the supposed liberals and illiberals of the cabinet council, was by no means a straight but a serpentine line. As it regarded the Catholic question, it was nearly straight, and direct; but, wherever habit did not arbitrarily prevail, or personal

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honour was not pledged, the members brought their minds to the discussion totally disengaged. The project of breaking up the cabinet and forming a completely new one from the different benches of that House, would be found not very easy, in practice. He (Mr. C.) wished to separate the Catholic Association and the Catholic question; the hon. and learned gentleman wished confound them: But, so far from the Association being identified with the interests of the Catholic people, its institution, and the conduct of its members, more resembled the scheme of an enemy, who had devised this as the best invention for throwing back and thwarting the further progress of the question of emancipation. If the worst enemy of Catholic emancipation had purposely sat down to devise means to exasperate the people of England against that measure, he could not have hit upon means more certain-he could not have imagined a plan so successfully mischievous-as the institution and conduct of that body had been. The House had been told that the Catholic Association was the cause of the peace which prevailed. By what charm By what charm had they brought about this object. Whence did they obtain their magical elements of concord? From the pit of Acheron! Their combination was cemented by an adjuration of horror and loathing -"Be peaceable, by the hatred which you bear the Orangemen !" This was the charm by which they worked-These the means by which they proposed to extract peace out of hatred. Good God! was it for reasoning men deliberately to put such a bond of union into writing, and when called

upon to explain themselves, deliberately to affirm the deed? To inculcate peace among themselves, through their steadfast hatred of their fellow subjects? Could this be Catholicism. All that he (Mr. C.) desired, was, that the House would consider rightly the terms which were objected to in the Address. The king stated in his Speech, that associations existed in Ireland which had adopted proceedings not reconcileable with the laws and the constitution. As those proceedings tended to public mischief, it was recommended to parliament to consider of an adequate remedy. The House of Commons was about to reply by promising that it would do so. What less could the House do?

In touching upon what had fallen from Mr. Brougham with respect to the liberal commercial policy which had been adopted, and the recognition of the new South American States, Mr. Canning observed, that, the hon. and learned gentleman having, in the course of his parliamentary life, proposed and supported almost every species and degree of innovation, which could be practised towards the constitution, it was not very easy for ministers to do any thing in the affair of South America, without seeming to borrow something from him. Their views might be shut up by circumstances which they must consult, though he need not-like ships among ice in a northern winter. In time the thawing proceeds, so that they were able to come out. But, break away in what direction they would, whether they took to the left or right, it was all alike. "Oho!" said the hon. and learned gentleman, “I was there before you-you would

not have thought of that, if I had not given you a hint." In the reign of queen Anne there was a sage and grave critic of the name of Dennis, who, in his old age, got it into his head, that he wrote all the good plays that were acted at that time. At last, a tragedy came forth with a most imposing storm of hail and thunder. At the first peal, "That's my thunder," said Dennis. So, with the hon. and learned gentleman, there was no noise or stir for the good of mankind, in any part of the globe, but he instantly claimed it for his thunder. All the commercial advantages which the country had reaped by the repeal of the duties on silk or cotton, or the reduction of the taxes; in fact, all popular measures whatever, were selected by the hon. and learned gentleman as his peculiar handy work.

The hon. and learned gentleman was very cautious in his praise. Much had been done to which he could not object; but then, for fear that ministers should feel too proud, he suggested that things might have been better, especially as to time. Now, if he (Mr. C.) piqued himself upon any thing in the South American negotiations, it was upon the point of time. As to the propriety of admitting states which had successfully shaken off their dependence on the mother country to the rights of nations, there could be no dispute. There were two ways of proceeding where the case was more questionable recklessly, and with a hurried course, to the object, which might be soon reached, and almost as soon lost-or by another course so strictly guarded, that no principle was violated, and no offence given to other powers. The three states with which the British

government had to deal, were Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and Mexico: and no earlier could either of them have been recognised. As to Buenos Ayres, it was undoubtedly true that the Spanish forces were sent away many years since; but it comprised thirteen or fourteen small and separate states, which were not till very lately collected into any federal union. Would it not have been an absurdity to have treated with a power, which was incapable of answering for the conduct of the communities of which it was composed?

So soon as it was

known that a consolidation had taken place, the treaty with Buenos Ayres was signed. Next, as to Colombia. As late as 1822, the last of the Spanish forces were sent away from Porto Cabello, which was, up till that time, held for the king of Spain. It was only since that time that Colombia could have been admitted as a state having a separate existence. Some time after that, however, Colombia chose to risk her whole force, and a great part of her treasure, in a distant war with Spain in Peru. Had that enterprise proved disastrous, the expedition would have returned with the troops to re-establish the royal authority. The danger was now at an end. The case of Mexico was still more striking. Not nine months ago, an adventurer who had wielded the sceptre of Mexico left these shores to return thither, and re-possess his abdicated throne. Was that a moment at which this country ought to have interfered to decide, by recognition, the government for Mexico? The failure of the attempt of that adventurer afforded the opportunity for recognition; and, the instant the failure was