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to hostile attacks all the way to the Levant. It was essential that the development should begin in the West and spread eastward by a series of stations where the fleets could shelter and refit; the same necessity had governed Venetian development, when, after the Fourth Crusade, she was forced to approach the East by the stations of Corfu, Coron (in Messenia), Candia and the Islands. As a matter of fact the historical development of English sea-power in the Mediterranean has moved from West to East by Tangiers, Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, and Egypt, and is still obeying that trend.

The presence of the English ambassador and his diplomatic and commercial activities at once ranged against him the representatives of France and Venice. Every device was adopted by Morosini and de Germigny to damage the social and diplomatic position of Harborne. The fact that he was the Company's agent, as well as the Queen's representative, gave the Frenchman the pretext to declare that he was no ambassador, merely a merchant; and, thus prompted, the terrible Uludschali publicly insulted Harborne by saying, 'Just look at this fellow who wants to stand on an equality with France and Venice.' As heretics, the English were represented by the Catholic ambassadors as pariahs, outside the pale of European nations; and again Uludschali remarked, They're a bad lot, these Lutherans.'

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The upshot of the whole matter, however, was a success for Harborne. The capitulations, implying the covering flag for English traders, were confirmed; and the Grand Vizir told de Germigny that it was useless for him to endeavour to upset the English ambassador; while the Sultan himself declared that he would never expel the foes of his foes,' the Pope and Spain.

In August 1584 de Germigny was recalled because of his failure over the covering flag and the English capitulations; and Jacques Savary de Lanscome was appointed his successor. But before leaving, de Germigny was able to deliver a parting shot at his rival, by inducing the new Grand Vizir to declare that he would undo the work of his predecessor and reopen the whole question of the English capitulations. Morosini, too, was recalled at the expiry of his ordinary three years' service, and was succeeded by Lorenzo Bernardo. Harborne remained

to face his new opponents and to consolidate, if possible, his initial successes.

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Harborne's position was, indeed, far from secure. English trade at Constantinople languished; the opportunity to upset the Levant Company's business seemed favourable, had the new French ambassador been a man of diplomatic ability. But de Lanscome was not that; French historians note that his embassy was most disastrous for French interests in the near East. He arrived at Constantinople on March 29, 1586, and, in the very act of his official entry, succeeded in putting himself wrong with the Turks. When approaching the city, surrounded by a brilliant group of State officials, he was asked what he thought of it; he replied that it struck him as so magnificent that the Lord of it must be Lord of the whole world, and added that much of the Sultan's grandeur was doubtless due to his alliance with the King of France, who was now ready to place at his disposal 60,000 harquebusiers. The pashas burst out laughing and said, The Sultan is accustomed to lend, not to receive aid'; and with that they spurred on their horses and left him. Clearly de Lanscome did not understand the Porte, and was not the man to oust Harborne, who lost no opportunity of ingratiating himself with the leading pashas. His position improved. He was able to do much for English slaves in Algiers, Tripoli and Tunis, and even secured favourable orders from the Sultan on the subject, though his activities in that direction brought him into violent conflict, and even to blows, with the Capudan. But Bernardo reported that it was clear the Turks were pleased with the English entente, as a counterpoise to Spain while they were engaged in the Persian war. The preparations for the Armada were known to the Turks, but its destination was still doubtful; it might be aimed against Islam; and in that case English help would be of the greatest service. That was the trump-card Harborne was always able to play in the diplomatic game.

There is testimony, moreover, from an unexpected quarter as to the growing prestige of England's seapower, even before the defeat of the Armada established it beyond doubt. In conversation with the Venetian ambassador at Rome, the Pope said that he had news

that the Armada was ready; but so too are the English,' continued his Holiness.

'Elizabeth is certainly a great Queen, and were she only a Catholic, she would be our dearly-beloved. Just look how well she governs; she is only a woman and only mistress of half an island, and yet she makes herself feared by Spain, France and the Empire.'

In this satisfactory position Harborne left the Embassy. He set out on his homeward journey early in August 1588, and was succeeded by Edward Barton, who had already been employed on English business at Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli. At the time of Harborne's departure Barton must have been in Constantinople, or near it, for his first despatch is dated Aug. 15, 1588. Barton's task was less difficult than his predecessor's. He had not to create, but inherited a position at the Porte. During the course of his Embassy his hands were strengthened, diplomatically, by the defeat of the Armada and the enhanced prestige of his country, as well as by the succession of the Huguenot, Henri IV, to the French throne; while, commercially, the 'vent was now open and thoroughly cleared,' to use Faunt's phrase, though as yet there was no great traffic passing through it. In the process of consolidating the position of English ambassador at the Porte, Barton was opposed, of course, by de Lanscome, whom he finally routed. He was also concerned to thwart the renewed efforts of Spanish agents, the two Marigliani and Ferrari, to secure a truce; and in this, too, he was successful. He could point to the disastrous results of earlier truces, which had allowed Spain to seize Portugal undisturbed, and, if renewed, would enable Philip to attack, and possibly crush, France. The death of Henri III, and the recognition by the Huguenots of Henry of Navarre as King, had seriously shaken de Lanscome's tottering position. Barton could now urge that he no longer spoke for France, but only for the Guises and the League; that Henri IV was, to all intents and purposes, King of France, and, being a Protestant, was the natural ally of Elizabeth, the enemy of Spain, and therefore of necessity the friend of the Turk. So vigorously did Barton press the point that in August 1590 de Lanscome was told by the Grand Vizir

that Neither your King nor mine desires you to be ambassador any longer.' As a matter of fact, Henri IV was sending de Lanscome's nephew, François Savary de Brèves, to represent him at the Porte, with the intention of ousting de Lanscome, who clung to his post in spite of the Grand Vizir. Barton and de Brèves put their heads together for his final undoing; and this is how they accomplished it.

There was at Constantinople a certain renegade Englishman, Anthony Lane, passing as a Frenchman under the title of the Baron de la Saye. This adventurer had been to Rome, and, on representing that he could procure the return of renegades to the fold, he secured letters of commendation from the Pope through the Cardinal Santa Severina, who managed oriental affairs for the Vatican. With these letters he went to Venice, where he showed them to the French ambassador, M. de Maisse, who sent him on to Constantinople with instructions to place himself at Barton's orders. Barton thus relates his own proceedings:

'You may perceive there is nothing meant in all this practice for the furtherance of Christianity, so that the papers would have come to no good use; which I well pondering, and taking occasion to do some good service against those who wish Her Majesty's country and friends ill, I counterfeited a letter in Italian from Cardinal Sancta Severina, who has charge of all the affairs of the Levant for the Pope, having one of his seals with me, and directed the same to Lancosmo [Lanscome], by which I recommended the Pope's letters to him as if indeed they had been sent to him from the Pope, and I made Anthony Lane to affirm that he had a commission to deliver the same to Lancosmo; which device was not only the cause of his future troubles but also matter against the Spanish ambassador; by which I hope I have done no harm but rather, in my opinion, good service to Her Majesty and to the furtherance of the Christian Religion.'

The upshot of the affair was that the incriminating letter was seized by the Turks and de Lanscome consigned to the Tower of the Black Sea, 'where,' says Bernardo, he does not lose heart, but has taken to writing as the only relief for his restless spirit.' Meanwhile letters arrived from Henri IV, informing the Sultan that he intended to appoint de Brèves as his Vol. 230.-No. 457.

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ambassador and begging that de Lanscome might be handed over to Barton and de Brèves for deportation. The ambassador, about the beginning of 1593, was suddenly taken from the Tower of the Black Sea and delivered to Barton and de Brèves. By them he was placed on board a ship bound for Marseilles, whose master had orders to consign him to the Governor of Toulon. The ship was hurried out of Constantinople, but lay for months off the Island of Marmora, whence de Lanscome eventually made his way to Italy and Rome. The apparent union of the French and English ambassadors seemed to present a powerful combination. But there were causes at work, some of which tended to weaken Barton's position, while others brought him into conflict with his French colleague. English trade remained intermittent, and the Company were behindhand with the payment of the ambassador's salary, while the Queen showed herself tardy in sending credentials and the present. The interests of France and England, moreover, began to assume opposing complexions. In addition to friction over the coral fisheries on the Barbary coast, war-clouds were gathering to the north of Turkey. The tribute due from the Empire was in arrears. The dragoman of the Imperial ambassador had been arrested, and the embassy archives seized. It was in the interests of Henri IV to encourage a Turkish attack on the Empire. He was candidate for election as King of the Romans; and his influence at the Porte might count as a make-weight in his favour. 'The League made me King,' he said; 'who knows but that the Turk may make me Emperor?' Elizabeth, on the contrary, had no desire to see the Turkish forces directed towards Central Europe. Her whole object was to induce the Sultan to threaten, if not to attack, Spain or the Spanish dominions in Italy.

The conversion of Henri also produced a further cleavage between France and England, which was reflected on the Bosphorus. Barton urged that Henri's return to the Roman fold left his mistress the only bulwark of the Protestant creed, which he represented as a kind of Islam, and therefore the sole European ally of the Turk. The delicate question of the covering flag and the complete emancipation of English traders

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