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Mr. Maurer was engaged in preparing the charter of the University when he was recalled. Count Armansperg, in his terror of every thing which was really liberal, proposed abandoning the project entertained by Mr. Maurer, and wished to establish four separate schools, namely: of Theology, Law, Medicine, and Philosophy. The difficulty he met with in this illiberal project caused him to delay the establishment of the university until he was aware that his recall had been decided on. He then prepared in haste a confused and imperfect organization for the university, at the commencement of January, 1837. By the exertions of Mr. Brandis, the accomplished professor at Bonn, this organization underwent considerable improvement, and the university was at last established, on the 15th of May, 1837.*

Though the government had been compelled to yield to public opinion so far as to found the university, it still met with many obstacles in its progress. Ample funds had been appropriated for establishing orders of knighthood and other useless concomitants of royal pageantry; an immense palace had been erected to lodge King Otho, but not one cent could be found to construct a building to enable the professors to lecture, or to render the national library available to the public. The teachers were often silent for want of lecture rooms; for Athens then hardly possessed houses sufficient for its inhabitants. The books sent as donations to Greece for the use of the studious, were left to rot, piled volume upon volume, in damp and dilapidated churches. The people now came forward to perform the duties neglected by their rulers; party feelings were laid aside, and in spite of court and diplomatic intrigues and personal antipathies, a public meeting was held at Athens. The Capodistrian party was allowed to take the lead, and it was resolved to raise the sum necessary for erecting an university and public library by private subscriptions. The contributions of the Greeks over all Europe were most liberal. Large sums were sent from London, Vienna, and Hungary, and in a very short time the subscriptions amounted to forty thousand dollars. A handsome building has now been erected. number of the professors, ordinary and extraordinary, amounts at present to thirty-four, all of whom deliver lectures, though many of them receive only very trifling salaries, from the cir

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*See a pamphlet published at Athens, entitled, Iɛрì Пavεwornμiwv tv yével καὶ ἰδιαιτέρως περὶ τοῦ Οθωνείου Πανεπιστημίου, ἐν Αθήναις, 1845, - p. 26.

cumstance of their holding government appointments connected with the subjects on which they deliver their instructions. The professorships are distributed as follows: Theology, three; Law, nine; Medicine, ten; Philosophy, twelve. The number of students amounts to nearly three hundred, and of these about one hundred and fifty are Greeks from the Turkish dominions and the transdanubian principalities, who repair to Athens to complete their studies. This fact alone is sufficient to prove the immense influence this institution cannot fail to exercise over the ultimate fate of the Ottoman empire.

It must be observed, that besides the Theological faculty at the university, there is a college for priests, founded by a legacy of two brothers named Rizaris. This college has five teachers, (of whom only one is a professor at the university,) and about twenty-five students. The library of the university consists of nearly forty thousand volumes, but its value does not correspond with its extent. As it has been composed almost entirely of donations, every department is extremely imperfect. The kings of Naples and Prussia, and the French government, have been the most liberal foreign benefactors, and they have contributed many valuable works. A very valuable collection of the earliest Greek books, in which we believe every editio princeps of the Greek classics will be found, and every edition containing the best text, was purchased by the Greek government from Mr. Postolaka, a Greek who had spent many years at Vienna in forming this inestimable portion of a public library at Athens. The library contains also a few Sanscrit manuscripts and Greek translations from the Sanscrit, left to the university by an Athenian named Galanos, who died in India, where he resided many years and devoted much time to the study of Sanscrit literature. Some of his translations have been lately printed at Athens, edited by Messrs. Typaldos and Apostolides, the librarians of the university."

*It may be interesting to our readers to see a list of the subjects on which the professors of the Athenian university lecture. Of course they vary a little in the different semesters.

THEOLOGY.-Dogmatic Theology. Ecclesiastical History. Hebrew and Sacred History.

LAW. Roman Law. Common Law of Greece. French Civil Code. Commercial Jurisprudence. Law of Nations. History of Roman Law. Philosophy of Judicial Institutions.

MEDICINE. Pathology and Therapeutics. Anatomy. Surgery. Midwifery. Nosology. Ophthalmy. Practice of Medicine. Forensic Medicine. Pharmacy. Physiology.

PHILOSOPHY.-Greek Philology. Latin Philology.

Archæology. His

The future prospects of the Greek nation cannot certainly be considered as destitute of hope, when the people display so much energy, and direct that energy with so much judgment. Still we must not be too sanguine in our expectations. As long as the agricultural classes remain in a stationary condition as to intelligence, wealth, and numbers, the national civilization rests on an uncertain and adventitious basis. The civilization of Greece rests on the democratic power existing in the state; this power excites great jealousy in all the European governments connected with the Levant, and its development is not regulated by an enlightened internal administration. The task of introducing moral discipline into Greek society, and of raising the rude peasantry to the position of orderly and intelligent landed proprietors, is one of no ordinary difficulty. To do this, in the face of an active enemy like Great Britain, and with a feeble ally like France, demands a larger fund of patriotism than is possessed either by Mavrocordato or Colletti. Indeed, unless Greece can be released from the thraldom of the three powers, she can only hope for a permanent improvement of her political condition by some great convulsion in the East.

We own, however, that we are not entirely without hopes that the protecting powers will be induced, by the strength of public opinion in the enlightened portion of European society, to commence repairing some of the injuries they have committed since 1832. France and Russia have almost come to the conclusion, that the loan of sixty millions ought to be regarded as a bad debt; and even Great Britain, in exacting payment of her share, had the frankness to declare, that the British government took the severe step of compelling the Greeks to pay annually the sum of £46,000, as interest and sinking fund of a loan they had not been allowed to spend, "to prevent the administration of Mr. Colletti from carrying on a system of peculation and corruption." Yet it is impossible not to observe, that if any circumstance should induce France and Russia to adopt the policy of England, then the darling object of the anonymous correspondent of the Morning

tory. Statistics. Natural History. Metaphysics. Physics. Experimental Philosophy. Mathematics. Chemistry. Botany. Political Economy.

*See an excellent speech of Lord Palmerston, on Greek affairs, in the British Parliament, on the 3rd of May, 1847. It is to be regretted that the conduct of the British government at Athens does not correspond with its language at London.

Chronicle and the Morning Post would be attained, and King Otho would be driven from the throne of Greece. At all events, the Greek kingdom has little chance of enjoying internal tranquillity as long as any one of the three powers can disturb the government and derange the finances of the country, according to party views. The conduct of Great Britain, coming in aid of the errors of Mr. Colletti, has produced no less than three dangerous insurrections, and a considerable loss of life and property in the present year [1847].

If the three powers, or even Great Britain alone, would determine to enforce payment of the interest of the loan, for the purpose of preventing the peculation and corruption of the Greek government, no matter whether Colletti, Mavrocordato, or Metaxas should be prime minister, -and if they would apply the sums extorted from the government, in improving the condition of the people, and in doing those things essential to the independent existence of the nation which have been neglected by the regency, by the king, and by the English, French, and Russian parties, while in power; then, indeed, the three powers might lay claim to be really benefactors to Greece. Let this sum be employed in forming roads, building bridges, establishing steamers and ferry-boats, repairing ports, and facilitating communications; for, strange to say, the only roads at present existing in Greece, are those round the capital, which lead to nothing, and serve principally as drives for the carriages of the court, and of the members of the corps diplomatique; and the only steamers are royal yachts, kept to transport foreign princes who happen to visit Greece, from one port to another.

The three powers are certainly the parties most to blame for the actual state of Greece. Who on earth, though bred in the corrupted regions of a court, except Talleyrand, Palmerston, and Lieven, could, in the nineteenth century, have entertained the project of founding a monarchy, before creating the means of enabling the central government to act with celerity, or enabling the people to feel the necessity of national unity? The Greek monarchy, from its geographical configuration, presents singular difficulties to internal communication, and as these difficulties caused the division of the country into a number of independent states, in ancient times, it cannot have been overlooked by such profound classical scholars as the English ministers. The monarchy they established is, moreover, divided into four distinct divisions on the map,-con

tinental Greece, the Peloponnesus, Euboea, and the islands of the Archipelago. The continential portion is pierced by gulfs, and intersected by bare and rugged limestone mountains, twelve separate chains of which rise to an elevation of upwards of six thousand feet above the valleys at their base. There are thirty inhabited islands. A journey by land, from one end of the kingdom to another, occupies more time than one from the Penobscot to Pensacola; and a voyage from Scopelo to Santarin generally consumes more time than one from Boston to New Orleans. It cannot be wondered at, therefore, if there exists a constant striving on the part of the population of Greece to destroy the work of the three powers, and break up the monarchy into a number of independent states. The control of the central government is only manifested in compelling the people of the provinces to remit their taxes to Athens; the internal trade is so insignificant, that each village thinks it would be a gainer by refusing to pay its quota of taxation, and by assuming complete independence. The operation of this feeling is not without effect in producing the constant insurrections which disturb the government of Greece.

In order to perpetuate the existence of the monarchy, it is necessary for the three powers to make a new protocol on the affairs of Greece. They must compel King Otho to reduce his civil list to one quarter of its present amount; they must prevent their own ministers from defrauding the Greek custom-house, and sacrificing the honor of European chivalry, by availing themselves of their diplomatic privilege; they must prohibit their consuls from carrying on the trade of usurers. In place of calumniating the Greek court in European newspapers, and exciting the Greek people to rebellion, they must indicate to the government the steps necessary to reform the municipalities and guarantee the impartial administration of justice. If some such line of conduct be not speedily adopted, we fear that the state of Greece will very soon begin to trouble the repose of Europe.

The Turks tell a story not quite inapplicable to present circumstances. They say that a restless English voluptuary once visited the East, whose name may be translated, Lord Cupid Fractious. He purchased a beautiful Circassian slave, named Fatmah, and presented her with a pair of brilliant slippers, richly embroidered with diamonds. The lady walked up and down the room in raptures, surveying both the slippers

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