Puslapio vaizdai

able even in an Indian sovereign. Now the history of the Nizams of Hydrabad exhibits them in the light of dependents of the British power. We have always been their defenders and protectors; we have preserved them from the ambition of the Mahrattas, of Hyder Ali, and Tippoo Sultan; we have put down, in their behalf, innumerable rebellions among their own subjects; we have enabled them to collect their revenues, to amass armies, and to extend and consolidate their power.

single stroke, or offering the slightest opposition, they obeyed the orders of England, being every one of them intimately convinced that her Star was in the ascendant throughout the East. They were forthwith conveyed to Europe, and restored to their country without the ceremony of exchange of prisoners.

From that time to the present, His Highness has been acknowledged under British influence and protection. A considerable British force, called the Nizam's contingent, has been quartered in his territory at his expense, for the suppression of insurrection at home, and for the defence of his frontier from sudden inroads. This corps has been gradually augmented from six to about twelve thousand men of all arms, commanded by British officers, and dif


But what return have they made to us for all this? Formerly, when the hope of expelling us from India was still rife among the native chiefs, Hindoo and Mahomedan, they intrigued perpetually in order to effect that purpose; and afterwards, when that prospect no longer presented itself, they secluded themselves in sullen and frigid pom-fering in no respect from the Company's regiments. posity, and devoted their lives to sensual indulgences, contriving to cast upon us all the odium and burden of misgovernment. Though perpetually warned of the danger they would inevitably incur by entertaining French adventurers in their service, they, towards the close of the last century, encouraged M. Raymond, a man of distinguished abilities, to organise an armed force at Hydrabad, no otherwise dependent on the sovereign than that as it received its pay from him. His Highness, therefore, observed its youth with delight, inwardly congratulating himself that he should soon possess the power of setting the English at defiance, and, perhaps, of making good his claim to the sovereignty of all Southern India. M. Raymond encouraged his countrymen to flock round him, and a perpetual current of adventurers speedily set in from Paris to Hydrabad. The corps of mercenaries augmented rapidly, until it at length amounted to fourteen thousand men, thoroughly disciplined and officered by Europeans. By degrees its leaders caused the Nizam and his court to feel that they did not look upon themselves in the light of dependents on the royal bounty, but wielded independently that instrument with which thrones are set up or pulled down. His Highness, not without reason, became alarmed. He felt that he had created for himself a master from whose grasp he could not possibly escape without foreign aid. Still, in obedience to the ruling maxims of Indian policy, he dissembled and temporised, and threw himself upon the mercy of fortune.

they by no means constitute the sole military establishment of Hydrabad. Like all other Indian princes, the Nizam is fond of the pomp and trappings of war, though we have long relieved him from the necessity of ever carrying it on seriously, except against his own subjects. He has, consequently, collected around him a rabble of adventurers and vagabonds from all parts of India, Robillas, Pathans, Affghans, Arabs, Sikhs, Rajpoots, amounting in all to eighteen thousand men, whose pay is always in arrears, and who are, consequently, as a rule, on the verge of rebellion.

It just then happened, agreeably enough to his Highness's wish, that M. Raymond's corps excited the uneasiness of the Governor-General, who was not ignorant of Napoleon's designs upon the East, and considered the Hydrabad force simply as one of his advanced posts. Representations were, therefore, made to the Nizam, pointing out the impolicy of his giving encouragement to the French, and signifying distinctly that the British Government would not stand quietly by, and see the principal influence in the Dekkan monopolised by its enemies. In this step, the Nizam saw his own deliverance, and immediately consented, strictly out of deference to the English, that the necessary measures should at once be taken for the suppression of the French corps. M. Raymond had recently died, and the officers next in succession to him were engaged in angry contests for the chief command. While they were amusing themselves in this manner, a small British force, with his Highness's consent, surrounded their cantonments, and summoned them to disband their troops, throw down their arms, and deliver themselves up prisoners of war. Without striking a

But has his Highness, it may be asked, no use whatever for these troops? We would not undertake positively to maintain that he has none. He certainly finds employment for them occasionally, first, in creating more rebellions among his subjects, and next, in quelling them. But what, then, is the character of his subjects? Are they a warlike people, given naturally to strife and contention, and averse from all peaceable callings? Quite the reverse. They are, to the last degree, pacific and industrious; but, instructed by sad experience in the secret of all native government, they find it incumbent on them, in self-defence, to cultivate the art of war, and be always ready to take up arms against the forces of the crown. Accordingly, all the wealthy and powerful Zemindars, or holders of landed estates throughout the Nizam's dominions, entertain soldiers in their pay, which, taken collectively, would probably exceed in amount the British contingent. The men are constantly under arms to protect the villages, not from the excesses of foreign invaders or public enemies, but from the forces of the Prince who go forth annually for the collection of tribute, precisely as the marauding armies of antiquity, or of France in modern times, used to collect contributions from all who were weaker than themselves.

These contributions his Highness's army denominates taxes, while the people give them the name of chout, or tribute collected by force. The rationalé of collecting those contributions is extraordinary. His Highness's troops march up to a village, encamp before its walls— nearly every cluster of human habitations being fortified in India-and send in the demands of the treasury for such and such an amount of money. On the other hand, the Zemindars, previously informed of the approach of the army, have been careful to concentrate their own forces, with which they line the walls of the town or village, and take possession of every commanding post in the neighbourhood. Regular negotiations now take place between the belligerent

parties-his Highness's officers lowering their demands, | industry. If its Sovereign, therefore, be in love with

or raising, or adhering to them, according to the numbers of the enemy, or the strength of their walls. Diplomatic proceedings are carried on sometimes for whole weeks, when the issue of a contest appears doubtful to the leaders on both sides. Sometimes, however, the Zemindars, confident in their own strength, refuse all payment| whatsoever, alleging the badness of the preceding harvest, or the scantiness of the rains, or the ravages of insects, as their reason for demanding a total remission of taxes. The signification of this logic is perfectly understood; but, as might alone there constitutes right, his Highness's representative, when he happens to be the weaker party, accepts the reasons of the Zemindars, and proceeds on his march.

When, on the other hand, the agents of the treasury are greatly superior in numbers and strength to the villagers, the latter reluctantly succumb and defray his Highness's demands with, of course, as many reductions as they can prevail on his collectors to make. The most disastrous consequences ensue when the parties consider themselves nearly equal. Under these circumstances, battles are fought, villages stormed, sacked, and set on fire, with all the barbarity and atrocity which attend the storming of cities in ordinary warfare. Little do honest folks in this country, whose backs are set up by the appearance of the tax gatherer, reflect how inoffensive an individual he is, compared with his namesake in the East. The same animus, of course, pervades the genus in all countries; but writs, executions, and the rough and often heartless achievements of brokers are here, in the civilised West, substituted for the proceedings of an armed multitude, excited by all the worst passions which degrade human nature, and let loose by law upon a harmless people.

In the native state of Budh, this brilliant Asiatic system developes itself with the greatest vigour and effect, it not being at all uncommon for an officer in the British | cantonments to be able, during the Nawab's annual campaign against his subjects, to reckon forty villages in flames at a time, all burnt in satisfaction of the demands of the cour. We have not exercised the same arithmetical faculty in the Dekkan, but there also the burning village is a thing of ordinary occurrence at the proper season of the year.

The Nizam, however, it may be said, is poor, and must have wherewith to carry on the operations of Government. If this were the case, we should not be able to range ourselves among the apologists of the system, than which nothing can be more execrable. But what will the reader say when he is informed that his Highness is the richest native Prince in India, that his coffers overflow with jewels and gems, and that in the great treasury of Golconda between four and five millions sterling in hard cash have been hoarded for generations, and perpetually increased by the savings of successive Sovereigns. Many persons in Europe have been surprised at the heaps of riches said to be kept by the Emperor Nicholas in the vaults of the Kremlin, which, after all, perhaps, amount to less than the hoards of this petty Indian despot. But Russia is a vast empire, over whose whole extent agriculture is, or may be, profitably carried on, while the greatest encouragement consistent with an arbitrary monarchy, is given to commerce and

treasure, he may amass it without paralysing trade or utterly impoverishing his subjects, though even the withdrawal of so large a mass of the precious metals from the market must occasion some derangement in monetary transactions. But where in countries like Oude and Hydrabad, we find the princes smitten by the lust of gold, grasping and hoarding it up indefinitely, we cannot avoid throwing blame on the supreme government for suffering so many millions of its subjects to be oppressed and pillaged by individuals, so little deserving to exercise the functions of delegated sovereignty.

Some readers, however, will probably be of opinion that the immense sums of money thus collected and treasured up, are intended to be applied to the uses of the State in seasons of great and pressing emergency. Would it were so! But such is by no means the case; for the hoards of Golconda and Hydrabad are not regarded as the property of the public, but belong to the sovereign in his private capacity, as a Mahomedan gentleman, to be exhausted in his personal pleasures, or bestowed on favourites, or applied, in one word, to any purpose which his caprice, vice, or villainy may suggest.

This was rendered painfully apparent during the recent dissension with the troops, on the subject of arrears of pay. His Highness could not need to be informed, that if he collected in and about his capital numbers of mercenaries, regular and irregular, they must be subsisted in one of two ways, that is, by grants from the public treasury, or by defrauding and plundering the peaceful inhabitants. By the public treasury, we mean not his Highness's treasury, but the funds collected by the Dewan or Minister, and appropriated to the defraying of the expenditure of the State. Now this is generally empty, because all his Highness's functionaries, from the highest to the lowest, have their hands in it, by which means they amass enormous fortunes, while the public service is neglected, and the wretched army cheated of its pay. No troops, under such circumstances would display any great degree of loyalty or consideration for the property of the peaceful inhabitants. The Beloochis, under the Ameers of Scinde, and the Khalsa, under the Lahore government in the Punjaub, afforded the world an example of what undisciplined irregulars and a skilfully organised army will equally be guilty of when thus tempted.

We can experience, therefore, no surprise when we are told that the rabble of adventurers from all parts of India and the neighbouring countries upon whom the Nizam bestows the name of soldiers, should live recklessly, at free quarters upon the inhabitants, since it would be difficult to say how else they could live.

No revelation that we can make will suffice to convey an adequate idea of the state of desperate anarchy which has prevailed for years, we might almost say for generations, throughout his Highness's dominions. We shall point out briefly a few features of the frightful picture, it being, we fear, beyond the powers of language to pourtray the whole in fitting colours. Not long ago a number of Sipahies, belonging to the British contingent, having to proceed on duty from one part of the Nizam's territories to another, were fallen upon by a rabble of his Highness's mercenary troops who, to show their utter contempt for all law and authority, cut off the ears and noses of the unfortunate women after having otherwise illtreated them. These

persons, be it observed, were British subjects, so that it is quite as incumbent on the supreme government to call the Nizam to account for this outrage, as it would be under similar circumstances, to insist upon reparation from the Shah of Persia or the Czar of all the Russias. When, however, representations are made on the subject of such enormities to the court of Hydrabad, the miserable and infatuated prince, wrapped in fancied dignity, turns a deaf ear to our complaint, and endeavours to disgust the resident by contemptuous silence.

contingent, to get rid of his liabilities, though exceedingly loath to disband the men, for whom he has no use, and whom he will not pay. As an act of extraordinary magnanimity, he has made them an offer of one-fourth of the amount due to them, that is to say, confesses himself to be a bankrupt, who can only pay five shillings in the pound.

But the worst part of this dark and disgraceful picture is the duty too often assigned to the British contingent; which is converted into an instrument of intolerable opA remarkable example of this insane policy was ex- pression towards the inhabitants, and of fraud and villainy hibited two or three years ago. The second in rank towards his Ilighness's own troops. By whatever calaamong the British officers at Hydrabad having been out mity the people may be visited, however great their powith his friends on a hunting excursion, passed by a fort verty or their losses, they are compelled to discharge their or castle in which a number of discontented Sikhs in his debt towards the treasury, or become hopeless fugitives Highness' service, had sullenly shut themselves up be- and vagabonds, as often as the Court thinks proper to apcause they found it impossible to obtain their pay. Upon ply for the aid of the contingent. Against the British, the seeing Captain Malcolm, the officer in question, they natives of Hydrabad never dream of holding out long. conceived the design, either of sacrificing him to their They regard us as what they have hitherto always found indignation, or of making him the instrument of their us, that is to say, irresistible; and yet, in nearly every attempts upon the treasury. Persons on the spot who case in which we have had to coerce them, we have been gave themselves the trouble to speculate on the matter the instruments of mere ruthless oppression. In the conwere much divided in opinion, some attributing to them test now impending with the desperate Linewallahs, the the more atrocious purpose, and some the milder one. task we have before us cannot be executed with honour. Whatever their intention may have been, certain it is, The money they claim is unquestionably due to them, that when Captain Malcolm declined to accept of their and, what is more, their debtor is fully able to pay. invitation to place himself at their mercy in the castle, What he wants to perpetrate is a fraud; and he is the they opened upon him a heavy fire of musketry, from more eager to consummate this crime because he persuades which he was fortunate enough to escape by hard riding. | himself that the disgrace of it will fall upon the English. The Resident, as was proper, immediately made application to his Highness to have the affair investigated and the offenders punished. In what sort of language his representations were couched we are unable to say. Probably it was firm and urgent. Whatever it may have been, his Highness paid no attention to it for many days, we might perhaps say weeks, and so ultimately, nothing was done.

On other occasions offences still more flagrant have been committed against British officers and soldiers, for which no redress seems ever to have been obtained, unless when we have ourselves taken it with arms in our hands. Instances, not a few, have occurred of British subjects having been made prisoners, by the unpaid mercenaries scattered in strongholds over the country, and kept as hostages, in perpetual apprehension of death, till the apathetic and unprincipled sovereign has thought proper to advance to those wretches a part of their pay. Occasionally skirmishes take place between detachments of the contingent force, and the Rohilla and Arab mercenaries, who, whatever may be their character or laxity of principle, are still greatly to be pitied. They take service under the Nizam, under the express stipulation of being paid, and that too at a considerably higher rate than the company's troops, but invariably discover, before they have been long in the country, that in Hydrabad it is easier to promise than to pay. Then follows discontent. The soldier runs in debt, his creditors become clamorous, his means of subsistence precarious, he has no resources, he takes to robbery, and often commits murder and other revolting crimes, to sustain that miserable existence which he has devoted to the service of a worthless prince. At the present moment, the Linewallahs, as they are called, are twenty months in arrears of pay, and his Highness, thus deep in their debt, denies, by the aid of the British

After what has been said, no one will experience the slightest surprise that murders and assassinations should bo of daily occurrence throughout the Hydrabad territories. Blood, in fact, is shed in the streets of the capital with impunity, and at a still greater distance from what ought to be the seat of justice as well as of power, crime of every description is still more rife. There exists, in fact, no such thing as security for property or life. All the functions of civil government have ceased, and society may, without any figure of speech, be said to be fast resolving itself into its original elements. Every man trusts to his own private means of self-defence, and would think it an act of folly to make application to the law; which has degenerated into an unmeaning farce, and would excite people's laughter and ridicule, if it did not entail perpetual calamity ont hem. Throughout the country we behold, realised on a grand scale, the fearful delinquencies which Leo Africanus describes in his account of the city of murderers on the outskirts of the kingdom of Fez.

Distress and poverty, of course, keep pace with the disorders of government, and it is not too much to say, that a very considerable portion of the population has been destroyed by the sword of anarchy.

Such is the actual condition of IIydrabad, a state placed nominally under the protection of Great Britain, and supposed to be administered under our direction. If there be any who think that affairs ought to continue as they are, we should be glad to understand by what reasons they support their opinions. We, for our part, can discover none which have the slightest tendency to reconcile us to the flagitious misrule exercised by the Nizam over his subjects. He is a contemptible tyrant, as low and little in his vices as he is insignificant in all other respects. He has no claim to reign, he has long ago forfeited any right

mental and picturesque in politics, who would never rémove a single abuse or grievance which could be made to tell in a literary picture of society. Not that they themselves are able to draw such a picture, but that they like to experience the sensations it is calculated to produce when delineated by others. They need, however, be under little apprehension on this score, for India will

he may have possessed, and his incompetency and worth- | lessness are recorded in characters of blood upon the whole length and breadth of his unhappy dominions. Still, our Indian government will never effectually interfere unless compelled. There exist certain treaties, we are told, every one of which we have kept, and his Highness repeatedly broken. We are far from advocating contempt of treaties-far from main-continue to produce a prolific harvest of such things long taining the doctrine that we should do evil that good may come; but, in the present instance, our case is clear, and unobstructed by any of those considerations which, at many other periods of our Indian history, have rendered it doubtful whether we should or could proceed in a certain direction. At present, there cannot among statesmen be two opinions. There are, we are aware, certain gentlemen of thin, stapled intellect, who, even though they should recognise the necessity of superseding the native governments in India, would lament the cirThese strange individuals are what may very properly be denominated the lovers of the senti


after they shall have been laid quietly in their graves. What we now want to see, were it but as a novelty, is a faithful administration of justice throughout the Hydrabad dominions, which would certainly be a process that for some years to come, would astonish the natives, who have hitherto regarded anything approaching to such a state of things as a fabulous invention of the poets. At the same time, they have but to look across their own borders to see the thing actually realised in the British provinces, though there, also, it would be quite practicable to effect numerous improvements.

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THE ALLOTMENT SYSTEM-ITS BENEFITS AND ITS DEFECTS. THE most pacific movement of agrarianism is that known under the name of the Allotment System. The Gracchi, Caius and Tiberius, had no dream, in that old Rome of theirs, of such a peaceful change. We are more pacific in all things, now than then. Our virtue and their virtus have far different meanings. Social amelioration, moral reform, intellectual betterment, peaceful progress, are the watchwords of the advocates of the allotment system. No one charges them with a contemplation of agrarian outrage. They are not nicknamed the disciples of Spence. Yet, notwithstanding the allotment system is a notion of agrarian reform, if it be but the shadow of its shade. It is a surface to which there is an under-current, and that under-current is agrarian right. The right to the land, a certain claim, at least, to a certain portion of an acre, is deeply felt by the working classes. Some of the other ranks, also, feel on their part, that there is a something of justice in this claim; that the labourer should have as his own some portion of the land on which he labours; that the peasant should be united to his country by an interest in its soil. Their concession, therefore, is the allotment system, upon the benefits and defects of which we would say a few words.

a profitable account, as well as those of his wife and family. By giving him an interest in the soil, the extra labour it requires becomes interesting to him. Thus is it, that the allotment system has commenced the practical solution of the difficult problem of attractive industry. A rood of land under this system has frequently produced vegetables, furnishing wholesome food, enough for six months' consumption. Herein is a motive to labour, a stimulant to industry, an industrial school for the peasant's family. Nor is this all. The benefits, individually considered, of the allot ment system, have proved not only physical advantages, but also moral blessings. Master Idle was ever the biggest thief at school. Industry is the church of virtue. The system of garden allotments has employed the evenings of many who would otherwise have resorted to the pot-house, the pitch-halfpenny, or the skittle-ground. It has preserved many-it has reclaimed many. It has not only filled the table, but also protected the soul. It has not only replenished the body, but likewise moralised the mind.

The undoubted benefits of the allotment system, where it has been fairly carried out, claim our first attention. The system of allotments has increased the amount and quality of produce. The crops it produces, with the aid of the spade and the manure of a cottage, are comparatively astonishing. Its murphies are marvellous-its corn crowning. Its quarter of an acre of wheat, spade cultured, large in straw and full in ear, is a fine contrast to the plough-tilled, ten-acre field of the farmer. It has enlarged also the general stock of labour expended on the soil. It has enabled the labourer to apply his own leisure moments to

In relation to the country at large, the benefits of the allotment system must be looked at parochially. A better instance to the point than that of the parish of Cholesbury, brought forward originally by Mr. Ferrand in his Bill for the Allotment of Waste Lands, cannot be adduced. The parish of Cholesbury, previous to the introduction of the allotment system, was in a deplorable condition. The poor-rates consumed all its produce, and the population was only kept from starvation by rates in aid from the neighbouring parishes. Some land, abandoned by the farmers, was divided into allotments among the labourers. Previous to this allotment in 1832, Cholesbury was almost exclusively a pauper parish. After this allotment in 1842 it had not an able-bodied pauper in its parochial boundaries. In 1832 its land was valueless.

Now its average value is greater than that of the surrounding parishes. In 1832 pauperage consumed the profit of all the land in the parish. Now the poor maintain themselves and families in comfort on only a portion of that land. In 1832 the weekly winter expenditure in support of the poor averaged £5. Now it does not exceed as many shillings per week. In 1832 the paupers were maintained by rates levied on other parishes. Now they contribute to the amount of one-eighth of the whole parochial expenditure. And, lastly, no person, since the introduction of the allotment system into the parish, has been convicted of any offence against the laws of the country. This comparison is most highly favourable. "Look on that picture, and on this!" The simple facts speak volumes.

Notwithstanding the decided success of the allotment system in the parish quoted and in many others, however, there are many and strong obstacles to the universality of that system, and not a few defects in the system itself. Among the obstacles against its universality, we shall confine ourselves to the difficulty of obtaining lands for its operation, and abstain from allusion to those that would bring us into conflict with prejudices, parties, and persons. That the difficulty of obtaining land is a great obstacle to the universality of the allotment system, we shall best prove by reference to the report of the select Parliamentary committee, appointed to inquire into the results of the allotment system, &c. That report says (page 3)—“The desire of obtaining the tenancy of land appears to be universal among the mechanics and artizans of manufacturing towns and villages, as well as among the inhabitants of rural districts; but, in both cases, the difficulty of procuring land has opposed a continual obstacle to the gratification of this desire." Mr. James Orange, Secretary to the Northern and Midland Counties Labourers' Friend Society, one of the witnesses, also states, "That in many places societies that were formed for the purposes of holding allotments were unable to exist, on account of the impossibility of getting any land for the purpose. Beeston, Hyson Green, Lenton, Ratcliffe on Trent, Radford, and Sneinton, were places where the societies had been obliged to be given up, because they could not procure land." (Page 90.) Other witnesses, more strongly, if possible, corroborated this statement. Add to this, that the land rented for allotments is generally the dearest and worst piece in the parish. Its owner obtains much more from his several poor allottees, than he would do from a rich individual tenant. The report from which we have just quoted confirms this. A witness states that, after one year of free occupancy, he would have given £1 per acre for Dartford Heath, a stony soil, for allotments. The rector of Broad Somerford, in Wiltshire, another witness (page 16), stated that he let out 100 acres, of what appeared, from the examination, to be marsh land, formerly yielding only £60 per annum, under the allotment system, at 35s. per acre, or £175 per annum! From the

best source of authority, therefore, we may conclude, that the difficulty of obtaining land for allotments, and the shameful price fixed upon it, when obtained, are great obstacles to the extension of the allotment system.

From these obstacles we turn to the defects in the system itself. The most obvious of these is the point of tenancy. Land to be assured a sufficient cultivation should be held on a perpetual tenure. The long leases in Scotland, and the superiority of Scotch farming, support this view. Guernsey and Jersey are more direct examples of its benefits. Those islands, with small holdings, under a perpetual, and almost inalienable tenure, display an agrarian prosperity elsewhere known. Wheat crops of fifty bushels per acre, and twenty tons of potatoes per acre, are there an ordinary produce. The lowest rent in those islands is £5 per statute acre. Their population exceeds 1100 per square mile, while in England it is under 280. There the ground is a garden, and pauperism and crime almost unknown. The allotment system, on the contrary, is connected with chance tenancy, or with short leases. The interest of the labourer is limited or fortuitous. He feels that the improvements of his labour, the hard sweating work of his leisure hours, the fruit of his extra toil, may be transferred to another. His industry thus loses stimulus. He will work but for a temporary purpose. This is a great defect connected with tenancy under the allotment system. To render industry attractive, to give security, confidence, and energy to labour, the tenure should be perpetual, and the land inalienable.

The other main defect in the allotment system, which we shall adduce, is its radical principle of small holdings. That these have succeeded well in the Channel Islands and in Tuscany, is owing not so much to the plan of parcelment, as to the state of tenure and other circumstances there connected with them. In France small farms are deteriorating agriculture. Individual monopoly of land, in great quantities, is, indeed, much more to be dreaded; but small holdings must everywhere divide the population, limit their efforts and intercourse to a petty sphere, circumscribe their intellectual development, and functional variety, and deprive them of that power and progress which congregation alone can give. The allotment system offers no sphere for the desirable union of agriculture and manufactures. The advantages of sanitary reform, of draining, of ventilation, of lighting, would be considerably lost upon it. In fact a decision has to be made between the parcelled and the associative systems. With the latter, the union of manufactures and agriculture would be possible. With the latter the economics of unitary habitation, and the advantages of congregation, might be obtained. With the former these benefits would be practicable. We say then that undoubtedly the allotment system has been of considerable utility in some parishes. We see, however, great obstacles to its extension, and also weighty defects in its system, as a general plan of social reform. These obstacles, however, would be overcome by the

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