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Campbell's very characteristic remark_“I can- | terposition of his, farther than implicit acquiescence and not justify the manner in which Captain Porteous entire approbation. She was supposed to be very stingy, came to his end—but no true Scotsman can sin- and foolish stories were circulated to annoy her ; but
• she would often smile at hearing of the cold chine being cerely regret it.”
turned and found bare, of the potted sawdust to reFew anecdotes and no mots enliven the bio- present la prey, and of the want of Dr. Mead's kitchen graphy of Lord Hardwicke. He married a clever to be added to Powis House; and only observe that, unyoung widow, who managed his household as
certain as was the time of the Lord Chancellor's dining, frugally as Lady Eldon did that of her Chancel happen that he brought with him an ambassador or per
and the company that would attend him, yet if it should lor, and obtained as great a reputation for stiu- son of the highest rank, he never found a dinner or supginess. The lady herself averred that if her per to be ashamed of.' We may judge of the malicious husband ever by chance brought with him an
turn given to her domestic arrangements, however deambassador, or person of high rank, he “never serving of praise, by the charge against her of stealing found a dinner or supper to be ashamed of;" counterpane. The truth is, that this purse-highly deco
the purse in which the great Seal was kept to make a which John, Earl of Eldon, we apprehend, could rated with the Royal Arms and other devices—by ancient not always have done. We quote Lord Camp- custom, is annually renewed, and is the perquisite of the bell's exoneration of the lady, for the sake of the Lord Chancellor for the time being, if he chooses to claim
it.” memorable relic which her thrift and good taste preserved
Of the seven children of Lord and Lady Hard
wicke, five were sons; but the interest of posterity “ His marriage with the young widow turned out most centres wholly in the second son, the “accomauspiciously. They continued to old age tenderly at- plished, high-spirited,” and ill-fated Charles tached to each other. She contributed not only to his Yorke, who, for a few days, was trepanned into happiness but to his greatness. She often humorously laid claim (as she had good right to do) to so much of the holding the Great Seal, to the betrayal of his merit of Lord Hardwicke's being a good Chancellor, in honour and principles; and who died, too prothat his thoughts and attention were never taken from bably by his own hand, the regretted victim of a the business of the court by the private concerns of his momentary weakness, where other Lord Chanfamily—the care of which, the management of his money collors would have brazened out their disgrace matters, the settling all accounts with stewards and others, and above all the education of his children, had and triumphed in it. been wholly her departınent or concern, without any in
(To be continued.)
ST. MARY MAGDALENE.
By Mrs. Actox TINDAL.
Hymnus Ecclesiæ S. Mariæ Magdalenes,
Laden with India's fragrant spice,
'Twas all thou had'st to bring,
An offering at the lowly shrine
Of thy mocked God and King.;
Mary! the painters picture well
That wan sweet face of thine,
The scattered hair, the upraised eyes,
That softly tearful shine-
As though thine oft-repented sins
Yet lived in memory's sight,
And cast a chastening shadow o'er
Thy faith's triumphant light.
Mary! full oft on history's page
A woman's name hath stood,
As victor, queen, or martyr-saint-
A glorious sisterhood !
And none more brightly shines than thine
Amid the loved of Heaven
The land-mark of the lost, that tells
Of hope, and sin forgiven.
WOMAN'S MORN, NOON, AND EVENING.
BY GOODWIN BARMBY. It was the dewy morning of the world;
The knight lay gasping through his steel-barred helm, It was the spring-tide of the human race;
The squire lay white in death and stern in pride,
The king bad fled his saddle and his realm,
But woman watched her true-love knight beside.
It was the purple evening of the world A tawny, fire-eyed panther in green bowers
At evening time there shall be blessed light-
War's blood-red banner by fair peace was furled,
And brotherhood's clasped hands with rings were bright; It was the scorching noon-tide of our star
Men's homes were beautiful, and rich and high,
And earth was blooming through her grassy leas,
And over all there was a solemn sky,
And woman sat with children on her knees,
BY JOUN O'CONNELL, M.P.
The objections to an extension over Ireland of tion and tenant-encouragement is of very little Tenant-right-- that is to say, those objections practical value. The absurd intricacies of Lord which have even the appearance of validity-are Stanley's plan in 1845, and the equally absurd principally as follows:-
intricacies of Lord Lincoln's better-designed, but First, That it would not be a relief to the cot- equally inefficient proposal of last session, did not tier tenantry, but might, in fact, rather increase even for the very moderate extent to which their the power which mesne tenants—that is to say, proposers appeared to imagine they could work, in plain English, the farmers—have at present carry with them the goodwill of the landlords--over the elass first named, and which they are nay, they received a contemptuous toleration at (not without some justice) charged with abusing their hands, only on account of their glaring and
Second, That there is nothing in the Tenant- hopeless defects. right to prevent the landlord from so increasing Something must be done to coerce the landhis rent as to destroy the market value of the lords, or else the Legislature will, by its conduct, holding, by frightening off those who would pur- proclaim to the world that the professions which chase.
have so loudly been made, of goodwill towards Third, The formal, and yet to a certain extent Ireland, and of a desire at length to apply a the substantial, difficulty of how and when first searching remedy to what has so well been called to set the system agoing in localities where no- her “monster-misery,'' were words without subthing of the kind has yet been known.
stance -aggravating by insult the intolerable The objections to the other propositions for evils of her existing condition. improving the relation between landlord and te- Men are not ordinarily found disposed to give want must also be stated, as a settlement is scarcely up power of their own good will. The sad antito be hoped for, save upon a balance of difficulties pathies of sect and race which have rankled beattending the various remedial schemes proposed. tween landlord and tenant in Ireland must increase
To what is commonly called the Compensa- this indisposition on the part of the former to tion for improvement” scheme, the following is yield up any real amount of their present illimitobjected:
able power over the latter. The Legislature, First, The difficulty in agreeing as to what are therefore, we repeat, must, to some extent, coerce improvements.
the landlords. Second, In fixing what should rightfully be If compulsion, then, is to be exercised upon the the landlord's share of the profit on the improve- landlord, it should be that which has least doubt ments, and what should be the tenant's.
about it, of its ultimate benefit to himself. In Third, In arranging the means of adjudicating the evidence on Tenant-right, the witnesses most or arbitrating between landlord and tenant upon adverse to that custom were compelled to confess these points.
that, under any circumstances, where that custom One other proposition is put forward occasion prevailed the landlord was sure of his rent. There ally as a separate scheme, and occasionally as was also an unexcepted testimony to the feelings merely a portion of either of the schemes we have of peace and security which grew up, and were been noticing—we speak of the suggested re- maintained, wherever it existed. Such benefits striction of the power to recover rent to cases as these are predicated from the " compensation” where there is a lease, the duration of that lease scheme, only after the very mystified, very comto be, at any rate, above twenty years.
plicated, and very vexed question, or questions, We need not delay on this very fair-seeming of the respective degrees of profit, and of the proposition, as there is plainly not enough of manner of adjudicating these profits, shall have comprehensireness about it to cover the whole been satisfactorily resolved. extent of the landlord and tenant difficulty in There is no agreement, not to say universal, Ireland, while neither is there anything to pre- but even to any appreciable extent/there is noveut its being made an incident or adjunct to the thing at all defined-upon these questions. Until measure finally adopted for that purpose. such agreement and definition shall be come to,
On a review of these plans, with their difficul- it is natural that we should look first to a system ties, a preference by parties who would otherwise which has been tried, and where tried, has been incline to the Tenant-right, is sometimes given to found to work well for all. the “compensation" scheme, for what certainly The answers to the objection that the sub-teappears a very common sense reason, viz., that nants will not reap a benefit from Tenant-right the landlords of Ireland favour more the latter (an objection, by the way, to which every plan yet than the former, and therefore will less employ proposed for settling the land quarrel in Ireland against its enactment the very considerable influ- is equally liable) is simply, that that objection ence in the Legislature which they undeniably refers itself to a discased state of society, curable possess,
only by measures of general policy, of which the But, after all, the amount of assent they have plans for ameliorating the relations between landreally given to any scheme for tenant-compensa lord and tenant (important though that subject
is) must necessarily be subsidiary and subordinate If the Tenant-right system be acknowledged parts.
good and applicable, as we contend it to be, the If the farmers exercised tyranny over sub- only really important question is settled ; and it tenants, it was owing to the same causes which would be absurd to suppose that the talent and enabled landlords to exercise tyranny over them- | ingenuity of the statesmen and lawyers of the selves, namely, that in the impoverished and ex- country could not devise a means for bringing it hausted condition of this country, the industrial speedily and safely into general operation. classes have no other scope for their industry save Does any man who knows Ireland, and par. upon the land.
ticularly who knows Ireland at the present Were manufactures and commerce flourishing anxious juncture, for a moment doubt of the bein Ireland, the overflowings of industry would neficial effect, perhaps of the saving effect, which divert themselves into these channels—agricul- in the present disturbed state of the popular ture would be relieved of the excessive pressure mind would result from an' announcement, that of population upon it—and the competition for from and after a certain not very remote day, small holdings being thus naturally diminished, any rent-payer of Ireland, when compelled or the temptations and opportunities for oppression desirous to give up his holding, would be entitled of the farmer or cottier tenant respectively, would to receive a sum of money equivalent (as in the be correspondingly decreased.
North of Ireland at present) to ten, fifteen, Until the newly-opened resources of commer- or twenty years' purchase, from his successor, cial and manufacturing employment shall have whether chosen by himself or by his landlord. been sufficiently developed, a certain amount of Now, having dealt first, because apparently interference with the absolute power of the far- first in urgency, with the question of amelioramer would be justifiable, inasmuch as the State ting, by positive enactment, the relations between having interfered for his benefit with the land- landlord and tenant, we naturally come to the lord, he, therefore, in his turn, should be com- consideration of the great remedial measures, a pelled to recognise some species of Tenant-right portion of whose indirect effect, we have already in his sub-tenants.
said, would assist and favour the operation of Of course, if it be said that the great general those positive enactments. measures of remedial policy to which we have What are proposed ? alluded as certain to take the pressure of compe- The Times, with stunning iteration, jars out tition off the land, are not to be expected, our argu- incessantly, “Extend the Poor Laws! extend ment falls to the ground, but with it falls the entire the Poor Laws!” To this proposition it might framework of society and social order in Ireland. be enough for the present to answer, that a
To the second objection, namely, that the land- period when the lands of Ireland are incurring lord can so increase the rent of a holding as to such grave liabilities as they are, from the meadeprive the Tenant-right of its fair marketable sures in progress for the employment and susvalue, the answer is:-
tenance of the people during the calamity that First, That the general practice has been that has now a second year afflicted Ireland, is singuthe landlord has not attempted this increase. But larly inappropriate for charging them still furthere is also evidence that, even where he has in-ther and in perpetuity creased the rent, so great is the attraction of But, irrespective of the foregoing consideration, security which a recognised Tenant-right possesses it would be a wanton act, indeed, to force an for the peasant, that the marketable value does extended Poor Law upon Ireland, while in Eng. not by any means proportionably decrease. The land itself the great problem of a good system is fact is, that the landlord is ordinarily too anxious as far off from solution as at any time during to get his arrears, which can only be paid him out all the experiments, modifications, shifts and of the purchase-money, to interfere much with changes by which that solution has been atthe bargain made by the defaulting out-goer.
tempted sinee the times of Elizabeth. What If the leaders of Parliamentary parties are to says the Edinburgh Review of last October upon be at all credited, there is a general disposi- this subject? tion to do something, at all events, towards faci
“We hope England will not impose upon Ireland instilitating and encouraging the granting and ex- tutions of which the utility is questionable. Such are the tending of leases ; and this, together with the powers of mischief of the English Poor Law, that it diminution which (from the before-mentioned threatened, not twelve years ago, to destroy the industry general remedies) we anticipate in the present of the most laborious, the wealth of the richest, and the extravagant competition for land, will tend fur- morality of the most civilised nation in Europe.
The mischief went on steadily increasing, Government ther to restrain the extreme exercise of the land after Government tried vain expedients, or looked on in
inactive despair. At length the almost despotie power The objection of the formal, and yet to a cer- given Lord Grey's Government by the first Reformed tain extent the substantial dificulty of how and Poor Law Amendment Bill was passed, and the plague
Parliament enabled it to apply a partial remedy. The when first to set the system agoing in localities
was stayed, but not eradicated.” where nothing of the kind has yet been knownis not without its difficulties ; but still, we con- The following are the sums expended for the
end less in number and magnitude than those poor from Lady-day, 1836, when the “ amended". of any proposition for arbitration on a tenant's Law may be said to have come into full operaimprovement.
tion, until the last return :
"1897, mimin £4,044,741 ) Exclusive of law The present mischiefs of her state are not of 1840,- 4,576,965 charges, charges
Ireland's own contriving. Had she controlled 1842, 4,911,498 on removal of 1845, 5,039,703)
the legislation affecting her interests, she would
paupers, &c. &c. "Thus, it will be seen, that during a period not merely
be justly chargeable with their present decay. of profound tranquillity, but of prosperity, the expendi-But, for forty-six years, England has had the ture has gone on increasing, until
, in eight years, it has mastery over Irish matters and Irish opinions ; risen nearly twenty-five per cent. If its advance be not and on her, therefore, the blame should fairly be checked, it must in time eat away the whole rental.
laid. On this general score alone, she owes reOf all the dangers to which we are exposed, those connected with the Poor Law are the most threatening tribution, and can now make it by liberality in Scotland and Ireland are bound to study the experience the money-supplies required by the crisis. of England, not as an incentive, but as a warning ?” But Ireland does not shun to state particulars
If, in despite of reason, experience, and jus- of her claims, if called upon to do so. The foltice, the extended Poor Law were to be fixed | lowing are the leading features of her money. upon Ireland, her revenue-contribution, already case :so small in amount, would be speedily much les- The enormous excess of British over Irish debt sened by the diminution of the consumption and at the Union left the British minister no excuse use of taxed articles, from the increased poverty for their consolidation; and accordingly it was of the people. The pauper emigration from Ire arranged that the two debts should continue to land to this, country would enormously increase, I be separately provided for. The active expendifrom the impossibility of adequate support at ture of the empire (i. e. the expenditure clear of home ; and the imperial coffers would be drained charge of debts) was to be provided for, in the with the heavy and permanent applications to proportion of two parts from Ireland to fifteen them, and the enormous expenditure indispen- from Great Britain. These proportions were to sable for the keeping together the framework of cease, the debts were to be consolidated, and the Government and of society in that country. two countries to contribute indiscriminately by
The “ reclamation of waste lands” is next equal taxes, so soon as the said respective debts spoken of ; and doubtless there is much to recom- should be brought to bear to each other the promend it, not as a panacea, not as a cure-exten- portions of the contributions--viz. as two to fifsive and permanent—such as some people regard teen-provided, also, that the fiscal ability of it, for all the ills afflicting the Irish population ; | Ireland should have come to bear a nearer probut as a means of procuring a breathing time ; portion to that of Great Britain than it did in within which to examine and decide upon the 1800. Now, the two to fifteen rate of contribureal measures that will socially regenerate Ire- tion was denounced at the time, by Irishmen, as land.
too high for Ireland, and afterwards so admitted We do not purpose at present to enter into the by the British ministers themselves. Its consedetails of reclamation plans. It is sufficient for quence was, to exhaust and impoverish her to the moment to say, that the Reports of Parlia- such a degree, that her debt, in sixteen years, mentary Commissions and Committees, testify- increased nearly 230 per cent., while the British ing to the comparatively easy and profitable im- increased not quite 60 per cent. This disproporprovability of the Irish waste lands, are con- tionate and unjust increase of the Irish debt firmed by the testimony of every private person brought about the two to fifteen proportion bewho has had practical knowledge of the subject. tween it and the British debt. The only but great defect which is about them is, Advantage was taken of that one single branch that theirs must necessarily be a process of of the contingency contemplated in the Union SOME time, and can neither supply to the require-Act, although the other branch of the continments and necessities of the existing population, gency- viz. the nearer approach to equality of nor keep pace with its annual increase.
the respective abilities of the two countries—had There is a point connected with this which re- not only not occurred, but, by the confession of quires immediate attention. It is as to the course the English ministers themselves, in 1816, the to be pursued with reference to money matters. very contrary had occurred—namely, Ireland
Is Ireland to be made to pay back the money had become poorer than before, while Great Briadvances-past, present, and future—which the tain had actually increased in capital and reexisting emergency did and does necessitate ?
We can imagine the scornful shout with which Advantage was taken of that single branch of the putting of a question on such a subject will the contingency, to consolidate the debts, to do be met in most English quarters. The Times, away with all measures of proportionate contriwith its usual“ sucking-dove” amenities on Irish bution, and place the purse of Ireland, without matters, will protest against even entertaining it, restriction or limit, in the hands of the British lest thereby encouragement be given to “ Celtic Chancellor of the Exchequer; thenceforward to cupidity and fraud!” And yet, despite of the take from it, and apply as he liked, every penny Salmasian bolts of " the Thunderer,” it is but it did then, and might at any future time contain, fair to let Irish opinion and Irish argument on and deprive Ireland of all chance of benefit from the question be fully made known, and treated any surplus of revenue thenceforward and for with the cheap respect of a hearing—no matter ever. how decisively the public mind in this country The proper arrangement, in 1816, should have may be made up to insist upon the bond. been a revision of the Union rates, lowering that
Relief of Taxation.
inclusive. Froin 1815
upon Ireland, and, of course, necessarily increas- tion, is evident from the following deductions from ing, in some degree, the rate upon Great Britain. Parliamentary papers No. 305 of 1042, 573 of The late Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Goul- 1842, and 652 of 1845, and generally from the burn, who cannot be at all suspected of an undue annual Finance Accounts:inclination towards Ireland in fiscal matters at any period of his official and parliamentary life,
Imposition of Taxation. did himself bear testimony to the grievance which this plan would have remedied. Speaking, in 1822, to a motion of Sir John Newport's relative to Irish finances, he said—“ The Union contri- From 18001 bution of 2-17ths for Ireland is now CONFESSED,
up to 1815,
£30,000,000 £1,450,000 ON ALL HANDS, to have been unjust!”
up to 1845, £17,114,574 £2,664,090 10,620,000 £1,060,000* It is pretended that Ireland has been more inclusive.') than compensated for all possible fiscal losses
Totals, up since 1800, by her continued exemption from
£47,114,574 £2,064,090 £10,620,000 £5,610,000 several taxes to which Great Britain is subject.
But the exemptions of Ireland consist only as Thus, up to and including last year (1845), the to the land tax, the income and assessed taxes, relief given to Ireland was, to that given to Great and a portion of the excise duties, averaging Britain, less than as 1 to 17, while her share of about 1-14th of the whole revenue of excise; the taxes imposed has been higher than as 1 to 7. and that the total sum paid by Great Britain The tax reductions of 1846 were the corn duties, under these four heads does not exceed, if it and thoso on certain articles of foreign import, even approach, to twelve millions out of the chiefly those used in the production of manufacaverage fifty-one or fifty-two millions of imperial tures. England is a larger consumer of breadexpenditure.
stuffs, it is needless to add, than Ireland, and, On the other hand, the excess of annual charge therefore, the relief in the respect of the corn of the British debt, contracted before the Union, duties must be more sensibly felt by her. The over and above that similarly contracted by relief on articles of import, subsidiary to manuIreland, exceeds £16,000,000 (viz. Great Bri- factures, must also be more beneficial to her, as tain, £17,700,000; Ireland, £1,240,000; excess, she has so many and such various branches of £16,460,000), and this upon the most favour-fourishing industry in that line, and Ireland has able view for Great Britain, of the ante-Union none save the linen trade, a branch not affected liabilities of the two countries.
by these reductions, Therefore, it appears that, if Great Britain
We are, therefore, entitled to say that the unpay separate taxation, she does so by an amount | just disparity of taxation-relief existing at the end less by one-fourth than what she ought to pay. of the last year against Ireland has, if anything,
And this, notwithstanding the income-tax which been aggravated by the tax reductions of this she pays, and which does not exist in Ireland.
year. Before the imposition of that tax--piz., previous With regard to the assessed taxes, the Irish to the year 1842, the injustice to Ireland was far exemption, from which is made so much of, they greater, as the separate payments of Great Bri- were abandoned in Ireland simply in consequence tain did not amount to one-half of the sixteen of their failure of production. And in this partimillions excess of rightful liabilities above men- cular respect, as in all others, Great Britain has tioned. It will, therefore, be easily seen that the had the lion's share of relief, viz.:operation, during 46 years, of the unjust fiscal Assessed Taxes, Ireland, reduced 1818, m. £240,090 arrangements noted in the foregoing summary, Do. do. repealed 1816 to 1823, 296,000 must have caused--taking not only principal, but interest and also compound interest, into account Total relief under these heads to Ireland,..£536,090 an enormous aggregate of fiscal grievances to Ireland.
Assessed Taxes, Great Britain, reductions
£2,584,514 It is no answer to this, to say that Ireland's Total repeals of various kinds, since 1823,- 2,594,688 pecuniary contributions have been obviously so small that although these sixteen millions may
Total relief to Great Britain,. wwwm£5,179,202 have unfairly been made a common charge, they The Finance Committee of 1816 announced have really been met by Great Britain. The that at time there was “a very near approximahaving made them a common charge was the tion” between the rates of the assessed taxes grievance, as thereby the common expenditure in the two counties. It is a striking illustration was so much enlarged that the ability of Ireland of the difference between them in point of wealth, was over-strained in the endeavour to make her that the product of only a portion of the English bear her part of it. Had they been kept separate, assessed taxes should exceed, nearly ten times, as they ought to have been, the common portion the product of the entire of those taxes in Ireland, of the annual expenditure would of course have In fact, it was expressly stated in Parliament, in been less by so much, and therefore the strain on 1823, that they were finally taken off the latter Ireland would have been less. That there has been no compensation for this
* The abandoned spirit duty of 1842-3 is of course deducted by remission of taxation, but rather an aggrava- in the Irish account,