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that they are secure either of school or Bible. When one, but in some respects leave them dependent on their thinks of their own happy boys at home, bounding free on industry, and teach them habits of perseverance, the green, and breathing the fresh air of heaven-or of the little fellow that climbs a father's knec, and asks the From the schools at night the pupils go forth, not oft-repeated story of Moses or of Joseph—it is a sad to be contaminated, but to reform others. They thing to look in through the eyelet of a cell-door, on the become juvenile reformers, instead of juvenile paúweary solitude of a child spelling its way through the pers. They acquire a liking for neatness and comBible. It makes one sick to hear men sing the praises of fort, and try to extend them to home. the fine education of our prisons. How much better and

They are holier were it to tell us of an education that would save

often little missionaries, going up with the elethe necessity of a prison school? I like well to see the ments of good that they have acquired to the life-boat, with her brave and devoted crew; but with far citadels of vice. They have friends in the camp more pleasure, from the window of my old country manse, I used to look out at the Bell Rock Tower, standing erect

of the enemy; and, when they plead for virtue, it amid the stormy waters, where, in the mists of day the is the pleading of a child—of a brother or a sister, bell was rung, and in the darkness of the night the light But the most miserably poor are not necessarily was kindled; and thereby the mariners were not saved vicious: and the return, at nightfall, of their once from the wreck, but saved from being wrecked at all. neglected children-now fed and clothed, and Instead of first punishing crime, and then, through means of a prison education, trying to prevent its repetition, we

taught and happy--to the home of a desolate and appeal to men's common sense, common interest, huma- widowed mother; or a sickly and disabled father, nity, and Christianity, if it were not better to support a may be one of the few and the brightest pleasures plan which would reverse this process, and seek to pre- still remaining to a scaithed yet a feeling heart. vent, that there may be no occasion to punish."

There is a higher class of arguments by which . We do not propose the institution of these the establishment of these schools might be enschools by Act of Parliament. Benevolent men forced-arguments that are not expressed by in different localities can easily arrange their es- figures, and cannot be weighed against gold; but tablishment without statute. They might be in- we have confined our remarks, principally, to the corporated with union workhouses and the Poor cost of crime, the limited probability of reforming Law; but they will be more useful and more popular criminals, the obvious source from which the great if they arise from the spontaneous contributions majority of convicts spring; and the necessity of of subscribers in the several towns; for it is one of cleansing the source, as the surest plan, and the their greatest recommendations that they do not only efficient plan, of reducing the cost, the extent, make paupers of the young people who attend them, and the consequences of crime.



1. On the point of possible disagreements be- for fear of a difference of opinion between them, arising tween two mutually independent parliaments—the from tho exercise of their free judgments ; that you must one in Great Britain, the other in Ireland—as to which you now enjoy, and adopt that of a single monarch,

abandon the glorious constitution of a mixed government peace and war, Mr. Speaker Foster (Speaker of or single power, wherever it may rest, either in a mothe Irish Parliament) thus remarked, during the narch, an oligarchy, or a republic. But practice, which discussion, in the year 1799, of the first proposi- is a more steady guide than theory, tells you the reverse.

In points of peace and war, the Irish parliament has tion of the Legislative Union :

never, even during centuries, differed in opinion with the “ As to peace and war, it is to be recollected that the British ; though its power to do so has ever been as unsolo and absolute power of making either rests with the limited, and equally free, before as since the constitution executive. It is the King's prerogative.

But of 1782. No! interest is a sure guide to nations ; and it from the balance of power to which the British constitu- never was, nor ever can be, the interest of the smaller tion owes its great excellence, the executive, though number to differ from the larger---of the weaker to differ vested with power to act by declaring war, is forced to from the more powerful on such a matter ; and it is no apply to parliament for means to carry it on, and, there- rash prediction to say, that good sense, and even necesfore, must consult their opinion,

Suppose the sity, must soon reconcile the differing body, if unfortuBritish parliament to approve a war, and that of Ireland nately such an instance should occur, to disapprove, the only difficulty which this difference of “But, if we look into the principles of the British sentiment could create, would be, that the one who dis- Constitution, we shall find there abundant reason not approved might withhold its supplies until it could be in- only to reject arguments of such a theory as would conduced to acquiesce. It could not, by the refusal, stand solidate the legislatures, but ever not to adopt such clear of the miseries, and hazards, and losses of war, be- measure were it practicable. That constitution was not cause the king's declaration involves it equally with Bri- the work of one man, nor of one age : it has gradually tain."

Theory, and theory alone, says that the softened down in the course of centuries into that perseparate parliaments may disagree. But there is no one ar- fection we now have—more by the collision of circungument you can apply as showing a consequent necessity of stances than by the efforts of human wisdom or foresight. consolidating them, that will not apply much stronger for That collision has imperceptibly formed a bala nce in its the consolidation of the two houses in each; and the same constituent parts, which, by the power of mutual cheeks, arguments will all farther apply, with equal strength, to keeps each within its bounds, and preserves the whole in consolidate the two houses with the king, for fear of the its true perfection, national concerns being impeded by disagreement. Thus That balancing check is the true principle to which your arguments will end in the absurdity, that you must it owes its preservation-destroy it, and the whole is consolidate the three cstates of each kingdom into one, gone! Is it wrong, then, to look for similar good effects

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from the same balancing principle in the connexion be- 3. To the objection that Irishmen are unfit to tween the legislatures of the two islands, as in the connexion between the component parts of each legislature ?" govern themselves, we do not condescend a reply.

4. To that which predicts our rain if charged 2. To the objection that “ Repeal of the Union with the expenses of separate maintenance, we would lead to the establishment in Ireland of the reply in our answer to the objection as to posCatholic, as the State religion, and of Catholic sible differences between these Parliaments in ascendency,” we shall answer in the words of a matters of finance. document of the Repeal Association drawn up The questions on which such differences may

three years ago by a Catholic member of that be supposed likely, are two, viz. : that as to debtbor

body; and assented to and adopted by the Com- arrangements, and that as to proportionate conmittee, and by the Association itself.

tributions to the expenditure of the empire. "Against the assertion—that Repeal would lead to We shall surprise some of our readers by the Catholic ascendency, there is a guaranteo in all the de- statement we are going to make; but it is, neverclarations and acts of the Catholics of Ireland. Petitions, theless, true. Ireland contributes beyond her due wolresses, declarations, resolutions, speeches, every conceirable vehicle of human thought and human purposo, proportion to that part of the general imperial fluit have been adopted by even a section of that body, expenditure which is exclusive of the charges on have uniformly, where at all referring to religious mat- the National Debt. How she pays towards the ters, declared our desire and demand for that entire li- latter we shall subsequently consider. herty of conscience, which consists not merely in the

The following are the respective payments of the permission to each man to worship his God in the face of day in the manner that he thinks best, or in opening the two countries, exclusive of the charges on debt.way to public station and employment, but in the entire We are constrained to take the year 1814, as being abolition of all mauner of compulsory payments by the the last for which we have a distinct account of members of one form of Christianity to the pastors, Irish expenditure. (See Acct. No. 3, at page 21, teachers, and support of any other. The Catholic pre- of Sess. Paper 652, of 1815.) lates and clergy of the second order in Ireland have availed themselves of every opportunity to record their

EXPENDITURE OF THE United KinGDOM, YEAR 1844, coincidence in these sentiments with the laity of their communion, and have continually added a declaration

(ended January, 1845.) that they would not consent to be connected with the State. History is much too replete with instances of the erils that such connexion occasioned to the Catholic Civil List, Annuities, Pensions, Church, to make us desire to see the cause of those evils

Salaries, Allowances, Diplomabrought into activityřagain. We, Catholics, are bound tic Salaries & Pensions, Courts then by our convictions, we are bound by our most so- of Justice, and miscellaneous 2,100,000 585,000 kmn and thousand-fold repeated declarations, never to charges on the Consolidated reek for religious ascendency, and never to accept it

Fund, were it even offered; and we should be utterly faithless, Army and Ordnance,

6,830,000 1,270,000 and for ever" disgraced, if we ever shrunk from the Miscellaueous ou Annual Grants, 3,000,000 375,500 strictest interpretation of those

Against this, engagements. " The Protestants of Ireland would have the Jditional Navy,

5,858,000 guarantee of a nearly altogether Protestant House of Lords, and of the influence of the immense proportion of territorial influence which is in the hands of the members

450,000 of that creed,

117,788,000 2,680,500 " They would farther have the guarantee of what takes place in Catholic countries abroad. In most of them,

This shows our proportion of payments on the Indeed, the Catholic religion is the religion of the state : expenditure (exclusive of that on debt) to be to but has been made so by no new enactment, being a matter of old institution.' But in none of them is there the British as one to six and a half. any species of political exclusion whatsoever on account The “uncredited revenue payments" alluded to of difference of faith ; and if the Protestant inhabitants above are the following: have to pay towards Catholic purposes, inasmuch as a portion of the produce of the general taxes in those coun

Irish crown and quit rents, per annum, tries is devoted to such purposes by the government, they (these are lumped into the statement

£65,000 have at least the comfort of knowing that their Catholic for Great Britain under this head, in neighbour, enjoying no exemption from taxation, pays the annual finance accounts), equally indirectly with them, but fully as much towards Duties paid in England on foreign Protestant purposes, the government making ample allo- goods imported through England into

about £400,000 eation for these last, as well as for the former. Regene- Ireland, and there consumed ; also, rated Ireland would go a step beyond this ; and having in some minor items of centribution, her adversity made experience of the voluntary system, and found it admirable in ensuring zealous clergymen and

£465,000 attached flocks, would retain it in her prosperity, and set a brilliant example for the world's imitation.”

which we have for the sake of round numbers, set To the foregoing we shall only add one re- down as £450,000 in the foregoing table. mark. So great is the aversion of the vast majo- Now, if what we stated in the January numrity of the Irish Catholics to any species of State ber of this Magazine be recalled to mind-viz., connexion or State support for their Church, that that the Parliamentary debates of 1842 record it would be the most perfect insanity in any Peel and Goulburn's admission that the fiscal government to make a proposition having that capability of Ireland, as compared with that of tendency, as they would thereby incur odium and Great Britain, is no higher than about as one to most determined opposition in Ireland, as well as nine, (a statement easily verified by comparing in Great Britain.

the accounts for each country in the yearly finance

set down our

uncredited revenue payments, viz.,

in case of «

that year.

returns), the largeness of the effort made by Ire- are the same in Ireland as in Great Britain; and land to contribute towards the general expendi- yet there is the following discrepancy in the reture (clear of debt-charges) will be duly appre-spective Revenue returns given in the Finance ciated.

There is nothing to prevent her existing rates Great Britain,

.£27,940,000 of contribution to that purpose being maintained


3,080,000 Repeal.” An international treaty Now (the duties being the same, as we have could bind her to do so ; and her only stipulation premised), the respective returns, instead of being, would be, that the monies thus levied should be as now, about as 9 to 1, would, if the people of spent at home, as far as the external emergencies the two countries were in anything like an equally of the empire might permit. In plainer words, prosperous condition, be in or about the proporthat no portion of her revenue should be drafted tions of the population, viz., as 24 to 1. This over to England ; but, if not wanted for state would add seven millions to the payments of Irepurposes abroad, should be spent for purposes of land on the above items alone! that description in Ireland.

The increased prosperity of the country would 5. As to debt-charges, her present payments enable her to bear Income, Assessed, and Land under that head are specified in the annual finance Taxes, did the exigencies of the empire demand accounts, only in so far as regards that portion it; as well as to increase her payments on the of the debt which happens to be due to parties Excise Duties. It is unnecessary to delay with resident in Ireland. On their account, about a specific calculation of the united increase, suf£1,400,000 of Irish revenue (representing a capital ficient being said to indicate its largeness. of nearly forty millions) was disbursed in Ireland The probability of it can scarce be doubted. in the year 1844. But after discharge of this It is because the general population of Ireland and the other items of State expenditure in Ire- are at present too poor to consume a large amount land, a sum of about £:300,000 was remitted to of taxed articles, that the returns on those arEngland out of the same Irish revenue ; and was ticles are small. The commonest experience of there applicable to the debt-charges payable in human nature tells us, that the moment a man that country. Ireland, therefore, contributed al finds himself better off than before, he enlarges together about £1,700,000 to the total of twenty- his circle of comforts ; and the increased quantity nine millions required for the public creditor in of tea, sugar, or other taxed articles with which

he begins to provide himself, tells with beneficial In the article in the January number, already effect upon the public revenue. referred to, will be seen the reasons why Ireland 7. Sufficient, we trust, has been said to indicate should not be held accountable for any large pro- the principles on which a fair arrangement might portion of the debt. She has, however, been be come to, and be permanently established bemade to pay all she could ; as every shilling of tween the countries. It is quite obvious that the her revenue-contributions that can be spared from going any farther into details would be unneces. the State-expenses in Ireland is, as we have be- sary trouble, until the principles are assented to. fore said, drafted over to Great Britain. The It must also be obvious that the objection as to following will show to what an extent this drain our inability to maintain, unassisted, our own has proceeded :

Government establishments, even in an enlarged Remittances from the British Exchequer to the Irish, state, are conclusively met. and vice versa, from 1800 to 1845 :

Writing in the hurry of Parliamentary avocaFrom the British to the Irish Exchequer, m.£7,495,862 tions, it is not easy-indeed, not practicableFrom the Irish to the British,

36,785,453 to bestow patient and efficient revision on this Balance of Irish Remittances,

argument in all its parts. However, on a very

£19,289,591 Parliamentary Paper 152, Session 1845.

hasty review of what we have written in the pre

sent and the two last numbers of this Magazine, 6. Were the Union repealed, the terms of con- we are aware, indeed, of great imperfections, and tribution, both as to debt and other expenditure want of sufficient connectedness, but not of omisof the empire, would, of course, be arranged by sions of any matters with which we had engaged treaty. The great object of Ireland is not so to deal. much the saving of expenditure as the having 8. The Editorial comments on our last article that expenditure made in Ireland. For this pur- require a few additional lines, even at the risk of pose, until such time as, by the natural effect of being tedious. an operation progressing even now, sufficient With regard to the alleged prosperity of Belstock should be transferred to the Irish account fast, the Editor does not seem to be aware that to bring up the Irish debt-payments at home to it is comparative—that is to say, that Belfast is their due amount, it might be arranged that her prosperous in comparison with other parts of Irepayments in the other items of State-expenditure | land ; but not absolutely. In the report of the -as, for instance, on that of the Navy (in Irish Hand-Loom Weavers' Commission, a few years harbours)--should be increased to the full amount ago, Mr. Commissioner Muggeridge says that, of the sum, that, under the present arrange- “ in common with all who have attempted the ments, is inevitably drafted over to England. 'inquiry' before him, he could not state whether

Now, as to the increased means of payment. the linen trade were flourishing or no;" and The Duties of Customs, Stamps, aud Post Office among several testimonies many conflicting,

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but all pervaded by the same dubiousness--the much for the present condition of the linen trade. following are given relative to the linen trade We purposely omit the year 1845, lest the falling generally:

off should be attributed to the general distress of "9. Mr. William Kirk, a member of the linen committee Ireland, which began in that year. of the county Armagh, says -- I think the linen trade is increasing.'

• Mr. William Miller, a member of the linen committre of the county of Antrim, states—. There has been an

1839. 1842, 1844. increase in the linen trade of Ballymena within the last seven years, but nevertheless there has been, generally


£ speaking, a decrease in the linen trade of Ireland during

Linen Manufactures.. 63,847 25,350 14,320 the same period.'

And Linen Yarn

172,602 Mr. Edward Sproule, a member of the county Ty

110,486 36,915 rane committee, states--that the linen trade of Ulster is not so extensive as it was twenty years ago.'

10. The other editorial comments we must hurry “Messrs. William Orr & Sons, linen manufacturers at

The Editor says there is absenteeism in Loughgall, county Armagh, writes–. We consider it de- Scotland, yet she prospers. It is, however, much creasing in many particulars, and that the Scotch are taking a great deal of it from us. ”—Isr. Muggeridge's

less in degree than in Ireland—as there are few Heport, Hand-Loom Weavers' quiry.

of her great proprietors who do not spend some · Mr. Moncrief : * All the capital of all the manufactu- part of the year on their estates. And if she be rers in Belfast would not equal one large capitalist in prosperous in the Lowlands, it is well known that, England.'

in the Highlands and in the Isles, Irish distress The very controversy which Mr. Muggeridge has a melancholy parallel. The remark, that states to exist in the North itself, on the subject there is distress in France and Belgium, although of the alleged manufacturing prosperity of that they manage their own affairs, does not affect our part of Ireland, is an unfavourable sign. When

argument—which was not that home-legislation a branch of industry is really flourishing in any would prevent, but that it would mitigate such a country, it is generally known and admitted --not calamity as the present. Neither Frenchman nor guessed-so to be. The following on this subject Belgian were reduced so low as to be solely dedeserves attention—coming from such authority : pendent upon the potato. The extent of this (the linen) manufacture stands in

11. The argument that, as York does not demand such relief from the usual absence of all manufacturing in

a Parliament, Ireland should not, cannot have dustry in Ireland, that we frequently attach to it a degree of importance, and an idea of absolute magnitude that it been brought forward in seriousness. We could does not really possess. Thus we often hear the linen ma- furnish a pendant to it-viz. if general legislation nufacture spoken of as being the staple of this country, for a large empire is best managed by a single shuist wool and cotton are in return the natural manu- body meeting in London, the less difficult and less factures of the sister kingdom. In reality, however, Ire. land is almost as much behind in this as in every other extensive interests of the various muncipalities branch of industry. The town of Dundee alone is consi- throughout the empire could be best managed by dered to manufacture as much linen as all Ireland, and the single Corporation of London. Lie relation which the manufacture of flax bears in the 12. We do not object-far the contrary-to the three kingdoms, is exactly shown in the following table, which is extracted from the Report of the Factory In- advantage the

Editor takes of our admission, that spectors for 1839, since which period no sensible altera

an Imperial Parliament could (if it would) do tion has taken place.

much of what we expect from a home-parliament " In England there were 169 mills, worked by 4,260 -amongst other things, cause our monies to be horse-power, and employing 16,573 persons. in Scotland 183 mills worked by 4,845 horse-power, the admission. We would be glad to see our

spent at home, &c. &c. We deliberately made and employing 17,897 persons.

** In Ireland 40 mills, worked by 1,980 horse-power, selves deprived of that portion of our argument and employing,0,017 persons.”—Sir R. Kane's " Indus- for “ Repeal,” which depends on the want of actrial Resources of Ireland.

tive good will on the part of the United ParliaIt is to be remarked, that manufacturing in- ment. But the Editor's own good and high feeldustry had a better chance in the North than in ing deceives him. These things will not be done. any other part of Ireland ; as there was not that And now hastily concluding, we have to express sectarian division and mutual aversion among the a sincerely felt gratitude for the opportunity given, various classes of the population there, as in other at some risk, for even this imperfect statement of provinces. The Protestant colonists of Ulster the Repeal case. This instance of fairness is all had no penal laws to restrict and hamper their the more appreciated, as it was entirely spontaindustrial energies. The following table from neous, and, we regret to add, entirely unpathe Annual Finance Accounts does not speak | ralleled.

NOTES ON MR. O'CONNELL'S ARGUMENTS. We have placed figures to the different para- to Mr. O'Connell, Senior, that ever assembled graphs in Mr. O'Connell's argument for the pur- anywhere ; and we give very considerable credit pose of more convenient reference.

to the statement. There can be no doubt that it No, 1 is an extract from an address of Mr. was a Parliament swarming with borough-monSpeaker Foster's, in the Irish Parliament of 1799 gers, and the county constituency was very narone of the most corrupt Parliaments, according row, That Parliament was elected by a small minority of the nation, dependent on England for save money by the arrangement. We believe that physical support, and by no means likely to come there are errors to be rectified in the Irish to any serious difference with that country on finances; but they are subjects for an account. questions of peace or war. Mr. Speaker Foster The rough outline of the statement may be given was doubtless one of “the envy of surrounding briefly. For no part of the charges on the difnations”' men. He speaks of checks and balances ference between the British and Irish debt, at the in the constitution, as a watchmaker does of date of the Union, should Ireland be responsible, springs and wheels in a gold repeater.

The ma

That balance should be struck off the general chine, however, has been greatly changed since responsibilities of the firm, and carried to the prithe day of his Speakership, and his authority is vate account of Great Britain. For the balance not now of great weight. The power of peace or of the debt, and the current expenses exclusive war, like every other power, is virtually vested in of interest on the special debt of the senior partthe House of Commons. The purse is kept in ner in the firm-Ireland must bear its share. that House ; and no king will declare war We do not ascribe the slightest value to Peel and against his enemy without a well-replenished Goulburn's estimate of the tax-paying capabilipurse. According to Mr. Speaker Foster's ar- ties of Ireland ; and for the purposes of honest gument it might be advisable to increase the accounting no such estimates are 'necessary. number of checks and balances, by still farther The people of Britain must meet their special sub-dividing the empire ; and in that case it debt by special payments, and the general paya would be quite possible to have the Lothians ments should be made from taxes common to the maintaining a war with Holland, and Fifeshire three divisions. Our views in favour of direct observing an armed neutrality. Even in the taxation leave us no great difficulty in settling United States of America, under a federal form the accounts. Considerable sums will always be of Government, the peace or war and treaty- raised by indirect taxes ; but we believe that even making power is vested in one Legislature ; and in the next Parliament a considerable amount of the various States are obliged to obey the orders indirect taxes will be commuted for immediate of the Congress.

payment. Mr. O'Connell's estimate of £400,000 2. Mr. O'Connell meets the fears expressed for duties paid in England or Scotland on goods for Catholic ascendancy in Ireland by repeating used in Ireland is too small. We have before us some resolutions of the Repeal Association in fa- a note of the duty-paid goods imported into Belyour of the voluntary system. We are not charge- fast last year; and although we have not cast able with discourtesy to the Roman Catholic up the precise sum, yet it strikes us that the Church in saying that the voluntaryism of its Irish amouut there alone is not much short of the sum members can only be circumstantial. They can- stated. not be Voluntaries, in the ordinary meaning of 5. This paragraph belongs to the same class the term, on principle. They could not, for ex- with the 4th, and needs a similar answer. If ample, denounce the connexion between Church there be any blunder in the Irish accounts they and State as anti-scriptural and sinful; for in the are not irretrievably closed. They have been great majority of Roman Catholic countries that settled with the prudent and common foot-note, connexion subsists, and even the Roman Pontiff errors excepted ;" and if “ errors” be estais ex officio a temporal monarch. In reference to blished they can be rectified. Many of our the statements respecting the endowment of Pro- readers are unprepared, we believe, for the statetestant Churches in Roman Catholic countries, ment, that nearly £40,000,000 of the debt is held we can only say that such endowments do not in Ireland, and that the amount is gradually and exist in Italy, Spain, Portugal, or Austria. In rapidly increasing ; although the circumstance France there are Protestant endowments ; but does not show a wasting, but an accumulating there a Protestant congregation cannot be formed process connected with Irish capital. Ireland without permission from the authorities ; and Mr. does not want money, but enterprise, to complete O'Connell will, we believe, agree with us in say- her railways. ing that men should have liberty to worship when We need scarcely remind Mr. O'Connell that and where they please without permission of the we could easily produce a larger balance of reMayor. We refer to the subject because it has mittances from Scotland to England than he been introduced by Mr. O'Connell.

quotes from Ireland to England ; but we endea3. The answer to this objection is deservedly voor by some means to bring back the money short. We did not advance the objections, and again, and are not absolutely unsuccessful. Ireare not responsible for their character; but we land has all the elements of prosperity belonging can only say, that, if Irishmen be unfit to govern to Scotland, and has no argument for a repeal of themselves, they must be still more unfit to govern the Union that is inapplicable to this country. us. Yet for years they inaintained, with aid from 6. The great object with Mr. O'Connell is to Scotland, the Whig Ministry in power, against have national money expended in Ireland. Our the will of England; and all our great measures, object, on the other hand, is to have the national in recent times, have been carried against majo- work done wherever it can be accomplished rities of English Members.

most efficiently and cheaply. The result of both 4. We do not suppose that Ireland would neces- objects, in this case, comes to nearly the same sarily be ruined by the expense of a separate thing. Mr. O'Connell requires naval yards and maintenance; but we do not observe how it would military depots in Ireland ; and because, for a

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