an impulse would be given to industry and enter- say that the interests of the empire suffer from prise throughout the land.

Seven hundred thousand pounds in the year of the produce of Irish revenue, now sent to England after all the Irish expenses of government are provided for, would also be retained at home. And this, not with any damage, but, on the contrary, with great benefit to the empire: there being imperial purposes not only that can be as well served in Ireland as elsewhere, but some that can be better served there. For instance, there are the establishments of the navy-afloat and ashore. Why should there not be at least one royal dock-yard in Ireland, when there are four in England, besides minor establishments for naval purposes? Why should there not be a division, and a large division, of the fleet in Irish ports?

this arrangement. Did they do so, it has been, and is always in the power of the Government of the day to change it; but they have not seen fit to make any alteration. Why should not a similar arrangement be carried out with respect to the naval expenditure of the empire? And carried out it most assuredly would be had Ireland her own Parliament. By this, and by the action on the absentees before alluded to, there would then be nearly six millions of money spent in Ireland which is now annually lost to her. Such monies would naturally and legitimately turn into the channels of trade the decayed and perishing manufactures of Ireland would revive again, now that capital and rich customers had come home-employment and means of sustenance other than that hitherto to be sought only by occupation of land would become rife and abundant :-agriculture would, in its turn, receive a stimulus from the new demand for its products, arising from the improved pecuniary condition of the artizan class the returns to the State revenue would largely increase with the increase of means throughout the population, and thus benefits of the most valuable and permanent description would be realised, not to Ireland alone, but to Great Britain, by the natural operation of measures, easily within reach, and most entirely recommended by justice, as well as by good policy. It is very true, indeed, that to cause the absentees to return to Ireland, the

It is unnecessary for us here to do more than allude to three circumstances of great advantage in such an arrangement:-First, The greater facility of recruiting among that class which so excellent a Judge as Lord Collingwood, and also many other distinguished naval officers, declared to produce in a short time the best and most valuable seamen-Irish boys, sons of fishermen and labourers on the coast. Second, The greater capaciousness and security of the Irish harbours; and, third, their far better geographical position -enabling vessels and fleets to get to sea, entirely clear of all land, weeks and months sometimes before, with the same winds and weather, they could possibly get out of the English Chan-violent, but effective, agency of a tax upon that nel. The unanimous testimony of all naval men upon this point, and the reports of the Parliamentary committees and commissioners who have from time to time had it under their consideration, render quite superfluous any further comment here. The arrangement we propose has already been adopted, and indeed is long in action with reference to the army and ordnance expenditure of the empire. Under these two heads, or, for convenience, adding them together and making one conjoint head, we find the following sums set down for Great Britain and Ireland respectively :

class is quite as much at the command of the United Parliament as it would be at the command of a restored Irish Parliament; and that the former body could also, if they pleased, cause the entire of the Irish revenue to be spent at home, and so deliver Ireland from the heavy six-millions' drain above mentioned. These two things done, the same results of general prosperity would be found to follow, and, therefore, Repeal" is unnecessary to ensure them.

66

That "there is much virtue in an if," is an old and trite saying, and your if in the foregoing proposition plays an important part.

"If it pleased" the United Parliament to do these things, assuredly the results predicted would follow. But the United Parliament has never shown, of late, or at any time, the slightest disposition to do them. And the advocates of Repeal would be only too glad to see such a disposition, and would willingly yield up all the advantages which its absence gives their arguments now, were such a disposition on the part of the United Parliament at last to make itself evident.

i

It is to be borne in mind that these sums make up the total of the army and ordnance expenditure, not for purposes in Great Britain and Ireland alone, but for those purposes in the colonies and dependencies also in Canada, and British • North America, Gibraltar, and the other Mediterranean stations, the East and West Indies, &e.-in fact, throughout every division and subdivision of the empire. Here, then, we have Ireland providing for, and punctually defraying onefifth of the entire cost of the army and ordnance establishments of this mighty and wide-spread empire, although her general fiscal ability has been declared by Peel and Goulburn to be no higher than one-ninth of the British. The imposed of ere it could be shown that to acquiesco portance of the effort can thus be appreciated; and yet she does not complain of having to make it, as the money is spent at home. No one can

They would gladly yield up these advantages, even if the loss of them deprived the demand for "Repeal" of all its power. But they are ready to show that there are far other and more extensive considerations of right and justice to be dis

finally in a system of united legislation, would be anything short of acquiescence in a system of permanent injustice and degradation to Ireland.

This brings the question of "Repeal" face to face with us, to be argued on its own merits, or demerits, plainly and directly; and not with reference to any temporary expedients the present distress may require.

What are the objections bonâ fide or otherwise, which are usually urged against Repeal?

deign even to argue against the national demand in Ireland for the "Repeal of the Union." If there be any points omitted, it has not been with design; and the discussion of those just enumerated will, in all probability, necessarily lead to a recollection and a due consideration of them.

Does it exist at present; and, if so, how does it work?

We have at present a union maintained against the declared will and repeated and most urgent remonstrances and demands of the people of onethird of the British empire. We have that people accusing the Legislative Union of having revived and increased the old plague of absenteeism, which was being stayed and diminished by the operation of an untrammeled and really independent home-legislature during the short period of the latter's existence as such-viz. from the year 1782 to 1800.

It will be more convenient to state them all To "begin with the beginning," we take the together first, and afterwards make the due dis- objection No 1.-viz., "That Repeal would detinction between them. It is, then, objected to stroy the unity of the empire." To us it appears the proposition for a "Repeal of the Legislative that an indispensable preliminary to a right exaUnion between Great Britain and Ireland"-mination of this objection must be a right comFirst, That such a measure would "destroy the prehension of what is the unity of the empire unity of the empire." Second, That it would which repeal would destroy. give encouragement and opportunity to foreign invasion and domestic rebellion. Third, That the harmonious action of two legislatures in the same empire, entirely distinct from, and independent of, each other, would be found an impossibility. And this objection is supposed to be quite triumphantly established by a reference to a historical fact of but some sixty years' datethe difference between the British and the Irish parliaments, upon the question of a “ Regency," on the occurrence of the first illness of George III. Fourth, That differences of other kinds, quite equal in gravity, but not so easily to be got over by a lucky chance (such as the quick re- We have that people accusing the Union of covery of the old king, which abruptly and com- sapping the vitality of manufacturing enterprise pletely terminated the dispute alluded to), would in Ireland (by thus depriving it of the support be certain to arise, in matters of trade, of finance, and sustenance derivable from the residence and of foreign and colonial relations-above all, on expenditure of the richest classes in the state), the subjects of war and peace. Fifth, (And this and of the further lamentable consequences that displays a very philanthropic and kindly anxiety have thence flowed-namely, the necessity of for our welfare-an anxiety which, it is to be re- further drains of money to purchase abroad the gretted, does not appear to be quite appreciated goods once produced at home; the unnatural in Ireland)—The expenses of separate govern- and excessive pressure of population upon the ment and parliamentary establishments in Ireland, single resource of agriculture; the competition and other public charges inevitably to be thrown for "land"-"land" at any terms-thus occaon Ireland alone-as England should not be ex- sioned; the excessive rents; the scanty, or no pected to make disbursements over which her par-profits; the temptation to landlord cupidity by liament was not to exercise any control-would the forced auction-prices for land; occupancy; be ruinous to Ireland! Her present exemptions from taxation, as compared with other parts of the United Kingdom, would cease, and, instead of them, a higher and heavier proportion of taxation should inevitably be substituted! will not allow you to ruin yourselves," is the kind assurance given by the opponents of Irish legislative independence to its advocates. Sixth, The Repeal of the Union would lead, directly or indirectly, remotely or immediately, to Catholic ascendancy; or, (to use the words of an English | newspaper, some time ago, when-not discussing -for that the English press will not condescend to do but alluding to the Irish cry for "Repeal") "to a state of things in which the rights and liberties, civil and religious, of the minority in Ireland, would meet with very little consideration indeed at the hands of the majority." Seventh, That the Irish are not fit, or competent, to manage their own affairs.

"We

We believe we have now fully stated, at least, the main and leading points relied upon in the argument, or clamour, as it should far more properly be designated; for its utterers will not

the agrarian disturbances, murders, and miseries, thence most prolifically resulting; and, in short, the entire disorder and distraction of the social state.

We have the remonstrances and protests of that people fearfully borne out and warranted by these patent, undeniable facts, viz.-That now, for forty-six years, England has had the entire legislative and governmental control of Ireland

of her interests, her resources, and her people. That during those years, several successive Parliamentary committees and Government commissions have had to chronicle the perennial existence and periodic aggravation of a distress and a misery in Ireland without its parallel in the civilised world. That at length the people of Ireland have been reduced down to such a condition, that the failure of one single article of food-the cheapest, the vilest, in so far as the staple of a people's sustenance (and yet, the very worst species and description of that wretched article itself) has plunged them into utter destitution is causing their deaths by thousands, in despite of the enormous sums of money now being

expended to give employment, and thus enable | lation necessarily bound up with it. The "Unity them to purchase other food-and threatens, ominously, imminently, and most fearfully, an utter disruption of society, and dissolving of it in confusion and blood !!!

of the Empire" perfectly and completely existed while the Irish Parliament was independent.→→ Unity of legislation and of action existed upon all important points, but particularly and especially What answer can be made to this? What on those of resisting foreign invasion and crushing ~¿ answer can be needed but this, to all the objections domestic rebellion, although the British and Irish we have noted and numbered, as made to the Parliaments were entirely distinct, and utterly demand of the Irish people for the management without power of mutual interference or control. of their own affairs? Will it not be in some The so-called "unity" now existing is, in fact, sert a mockery, if, while such facts stand in the little other than that described by Lord Byron, face of day, and cannot, DARE NOT, be denied, the when addressing the House of Lords on this subadvocates of Repeal should forego the sad and ject-it is "the union of the shark with its prey" dismal, but tremendous advantage thus given all will, all spontaneous action of Ireland being them; and condescend to argue their great question, as the parish boundaries might be litigated in a vestry squabble !

Examining the first point more closely, the wording of it must be charged as inaccurate;— and there is little doubt that it is designedly so. Words are things with the common herd of mankind; and it is, therefore, the most ordinary trick of those whose cases are weak to labour to mystify, and excite prejudices, by the abuse of words. "Unity of Parliaments" is by no means "Unity (Accounts in Appendix, from No. 1 to No. 12, Par.

It is not without a deep feeling of humiliation that we have entered at all upon a discussion of this emptiest, and, with one exception, most in

vanced, in bar of the claims and rights of Ireland, In fact, it amounts to nothing short of a direct and unequivocal impeachment of the loyalty of the Irish nation, aristocracy, gentry, and people all alike.

A separate Irish Parliament having thus efficiently done its duty before, when the empire was engaged in the most tremendous conflict of modern times, the onus lies upon the parties ad-sulting of all the pretences that have been advancing the charge we are noticing, to point out what new elements of danger have been infused into Ireland, to render it impossible that a separate Parliament restored to that country would not equally do its duty on a similar occasion in future. It surely cannot be pretended that there is The two former classes can defend themselves, more of disaffection now than in 1797 and 1798; and repudiate for themselves, the base imputaor anything in the most distant degree approach- tion. The conduct-the admirable conduct of the ing to what then existed. If such an assertion | Irish people speaks for them. Their patiencewere made, nothing could be more distinctly and their most wonderful fortitude, under all their clearly condemnatory of the Union, when, under oppressions and privations their cheerful acits influence, such feelings should have become quiescence and perseverance in a peaceful and increased or perpetuated. But this charge is not constitutional agitation, inevitably protracted as a new one by any means. It is as old as the de- it is, instead of suffering themselves to be madbates upon the Legislative Union. With even dened into the criminality of seeking redress of more impudent and reckless disregard of facts their cruel wrongs by force of arms the sublime than at present (because the facts alluded to moral spectacle thus presented ought to shame, were then recent-things but of yesterday), it was if anything could shame, their reckless calumniflung in the teeth of the defenders of the Irish ators out of at least this most utterly unfounded Parliament a Parliament that certainly had and most unjust imputation. shown no lack of will and effort to crush rebellion and repel foreign invasion; and had effectively accomplished both those objects.

It is objected, thirdly, That harmonious action could not be expected to exist between two distinct and mutually independent legislatures in the same empire. And reference is made, in support of this point, to the notorious "Regency dispute" between the Parliament of Great Britain and that of Ireland in 1789.

What is the exact history of this matter?

In the end of the year 1788, the mental aliena tion of George III. being then too well known to admit of any attempt at denying it on the part of the Ministry, was formally announced, by Mr. Pitt, in the British Commons, in the first of three resolutions brought forward by him. The second resolution declared, that it was the right of, exclusively, the British Parliament to appoint a Regent; and the third called on the House to do so. The Prince of Wales was, accordingly, named; but such restrictions proposed to his powers as would, in fact, have left him but a puppet in the hands of the Queen and Ministry. The resolutions to this effect passed in the end of January.

. With regard to rebellion, the latter would never have occurred had the Government been as true to its duty as was the Irish Parliament. It is now established beyond the possibility of controversy the facts being patent in the Report of the Irish House of Lords, printed in the latter end of the year 1798-that the rebellion was fomented by the Government for the purpose of creating a favourable state of things for compelling Ireland to submit to a Legislative Union. The rebellion was, for this purpose, allowed to go on, growing and gathering, for fully eleven months after clear and positive intelligence had been given to the authorities of its existence, and of the names, intentions, and actions, of the chief persons who were engaged in it. One of the colonels (so called) of the United Irishmen-a wretch named Maguane-was a spy in the pay of the Treasury, and he regularly, after each meeting of "colonels," made a report to the Government of all their proceedings. History then contradicts the assertion that an independent Legislature in Ireland is incompatible with the safety of the State from the attacks of its enemies, foreign or domestic. Common sense also contro-termined on considering the Regency question, verts it. A people suffering like the Irish, under all the miseries resulting from absentee-legislation-knowing the Legislature but by its inflictions, or its equally criminal neglects and omissions not having experience of one single benefit even of remote influence, save what was extorted from that Legislature by the confessed terror of civil war—such a people ought assuredly to give a more hopeful prospect to the foreign foe, or to the native incendiary, than would a people in the full enjoyment of their rights under a resident parliament, acquainted with their wants, alive to their interests, and directly and immediately acted upon by their opinions.

Upon the 5th of February, before they had been transmitted to Ireland, for the concurrence of the Irish Parliament, the latter met; and, in spite of the efforts of the Irish Government, de

without any reference to what might take place in England. Two or three days after, both Houses passed an address, calling on the Prince of Wales to assume the Regency, with the full powers of the Crown. The Lord Lieutenant refused to transmit the address; but a deputation was appointed by both Houses to bring it over; and votes of censure on the Viceroy, and of a limitation of supplies to three months, were also passed.

The deputation proceeded to London, and were graciously received by the Prince; who postponed his reply on account of some favourable symptoms in the King's health. These symptoms

NOTES ON MR. O'CONNELL'S ARGUMENTS.

We insert the previous article to answer, so far as we are concerned, the oft-repeated assertion-repeated in the preceding pages that the English press refuse to discuss the question of repeal. We think, also, that a calm statement of the grounds on which a great agitation has been raised an agitation occupying the minds of several millions of our fellow-subjects-producing the most intense excitement, and eliciting the attention of distant nations, should be interesting to all the people of Britain and of Ireland.