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vania there were 157 mills and factories, with 4,000 weavers earning a livelihood in the city of Philadelphia alone.1

If we anticipate a little, we find that by the year 1830 the United States was second only to England in the amount of cotton consumed in manufacture, while the constantly increasing localization of this industry is shown by the fact that by the year 1840 three-fourths of all American cotton goods were produced by New England mills.5

These figures indicate an immense change from the census of 1810, which showed the South to be the leading manufacturing section of the country (see page 169). But while Southern manufactures had declined, agriculture, denoting preeminently the cultivation of cotton, had made progress no less amazing than the advance of New England manufacture. Figures showing the economic position of the South at the time of the great Tariff struggle are strikingly displayed in Wilson's valuable work entitled "Division and Reunion." Of the total

value of exports of all kinds from the United States in 1829, amounting to $55,700,193, the South furnished $34,072,655 in cotton, tobacco, and rice. The contribution of the South appears still more striking if it be compared with the total value of the agricultural exports only, which was a little under $44,000,000. Three-fourths of the agricultural exports of the country, in short, came from the South; and very nearly three-fifths of all the exports. The value of the exports of manufactured articles reached only about $6,000,000. High duties on hemp and flax, on wool, on lead and iron, meant that those who contributed most to the external com4 McMaster, as just cited.

5 Bogart, as cited, p. 149.

merce of the country were to have their markets restricted for the benefit of those who contributed very little. The total value of the exports of cotton was $26,575,311; that of cotton manufactured goods exported, only $1,258,000. It seemed evident that the South was to suffer almost in direct proportion as other sections of the country gained advantage from tariff legislation. Being inhibited from domestic manufacture by the incapacity of her labor supply, as well as by the more lucrative opportunities of agriculture, the South faced the double disaster, should the "Tariff of Abominations" be enacted, of the further restraint of that foreign trade on which her prosperity depended, and of taxation for the benefit of New England by precisely the amount of the duty rates.

McMaster says: "The real purpose of the proposed tariff was to force capital into channels in which it could not naturally flow, and to produce a ruinous change in the pursuits of the Southern people. Of the 600,000 bales of cotton sold annually, two-thirds were sent to foreign countries, which sent in return almost every manufactured article used in the South. The duties contemplated would therefore fall with especial severity on the South, and were in the nature of a tax on the industry of one part of the country for the benefit of the manufactures of another."7

The bill of 1828 originated in the agitation of the woolen manufacturers of New England, being chiefly designed to favor that branch of industry, and sug gesting on a small scale the political struggle occasioned by the two rival fibers in England (See Book • Wilson, as cited, p. 50.

7 Cambridge Modern History, vii, 376.

II). It was called the "Tariff of Abominations," says W. G. Sumner, "on account of the number of especially monstrous provisions which it contained." McMaster, in fact, says that the bill was reported with the expectation that it never would pass. "Indeed, it was carefully prepared to invite defeat, for in 1828 a President was to be elected; and each party, fearing to pass the bill, sought to throw the odium of defeat on the other. But the bill, with all its excessive duties on raw materials and imported manufactures, passed both Houses of Congress, and was accepted by the President." John Randolph caustically remarked that it "referred to manufactures of no sort or kind except the manufacture of a President of the United States."' 10

• Andrew Jackson as a Public Man: Boston, 1883; ch. ix; cited by Larned, iv, 3071.

Cambridge Modern History, vii, 377.

10 A. B. Hart, Formation of the Union: New York, 1909; p. 258.



SOUTH CAROLINA, as Wilson points out, was entitled to be spokesman for the South in opposition to the "Tariff of Abominations," her exports at this period reaching the sum of $8,175,586,-figures exceeded only by the values of New York and Louisiana, and, by a few thousands, by those of Massachusetts.1 Anti-tariff meetings were at once held throughout the South, and the ships in Charleston harbor flew their flags at half mast. Senator Hayne informed the Charleston Chamber of Commerce "that the rich manufacturers of the North originated the bill, in order that they might secure a monopoly of the home market and enhance their profits; and that nothing but a firm remonstrance from the planting States could prevent the ruin of the South." Whereupon the Charleston Chamber sent to Congress a remonstrance denouncing the proposed tariff as "unjust and unconstitutional."

"Have you," asked another memorial, "ascertained beyond the possibility of deception how far the patience of the people of the South exceeds their indignation, and at what precise point resistance may begin and submission end?" 2

1 Division and Reunion, p. 50.

2 Cambridge Modern History, vii, pp. 376–378.

Governor Hamilton, in response to numerous petitions, appointed a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. How tensely the sectional lines were drawn is shown by the fact that in the presidential election which now took place, in all the States south of the Potomac River Adams failed to receive a single electoral vote, while throughout New England Jackson received but one. The election of Jackson was acclaimed by the South, whose spokesman in the person of John C. Calhoun now advanced the argument known as the South Carolina Exposition, declaring the tariff laws of 1828 to be unconstitutional, oppressive, and unequal, and calling a state convention in order to "decide in what manner they ought to be declared null and void within the limits of the State, which solemn declaration would be obligatory on our own citizens."

This document set forth the declaration that there was a permanent dissimilarity between the South and the rest of the Union, since the Southern States were "staple States," exclusively devoted to agriculture, and destined always to remain so because of their "soil, climate, habits, and peculiar labor," whose advantage could never coincide with the advantage of the majority of the States in respect of the commercial policy of the country. The Federal Constitution being a "compact," it is within the power of a minority State to veto the legislation in question, and suspend its operation. Nevertheless, it is inexpedient to adopt measures of suspension at once; time should be allowed for "further consideration and reflection, in the hope that a returning sense of justice on the part of the majority, when they came to reflect on the wrongs which this and the other staple States have suffered and are suffering,

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