naturalized intellect to divine truth. Science and faith, subjectively considered, reside in the same faculty-the intellect. In one case intellect acts by its own native powers; in the other, it acts aided by the grace of Christ and by it is elevated to the sphere of the supernatural. Christian education must recognize and apply this truth. The attempt to teach morality, without laying a firm foundation of dogma, will result in the ruin of both.

The circle of studies in our Catholic colleges is wide enough, perhaps too wide. It embraces mental and moral philosophy, rhetoric, languages, history, and the natural sciences. It includes both the trivium and the quadrivium of the universities and schools of the Middle Ages and many things besides. It behooves us to guard, in our system of education, against one of the great errors of this age—that of exaggerating the claims of the natural sciences beyond all reasonable bounds. In fact modern materialism deifies them. Now it is well enough, as a point of curious information, of what is sometimes called polite learning, to know the difference between the wave theory and the emanation theory of light, between the Copernican and the Ptolemaic systems of astronomy, but a man is not a whit more educated for knowing them, than for remaining in a state of blessed ignorance. The sensists of to-day, as did the humanists of the sixteenth century, laugh at the Scholastics for gravely discussing the question of how many angels could dance on the point of a needle; but some of their own problems are just as luminous. "If one might wish," writes Arnold, in one of his letters, "for impossibilities, I might wish that my children should be well versed in physical science, but in due subordination to the fulness and freshness of their knowledge on moral subjects. This, however, I believe cannot be; and physical science, if studied at all, seems too great to be studied as a by-work: wherefore, rather than have it the principal thing in my son's mind, I would gladly have him think that the sun went round the earth, and that the stars were so many spangles set in the bright blue firmanent. Surely the one thing needful for a

Christian and an Englishman to study is, Christian and moral, and political philosophy."

In fact, religion and politics are the only subjects that deserve man's serious, concentrated attention. They are the two sciences that exhaust his whole duty to God, to himself, and to society. Pious people turn up their noses at the mention of politics. They have been taught to look upon them as a monstrous, diabolical system, whose components are ranting and cursing, drinking and fighting, lying and injustice. But these are the practical abuses of the noblest of all sciences next to theology-the science of government, of civil polity. The theory of our constitution is that the people are sovereign. We are not going to enter into an argument about the divine right of the multitude, but, simply admitting what is here an established fact, we say, let then the people rule in reality as in name, not a sectional clique, nor a cabal of Washington wirepullers. And if the people are to rule, they must be educated in the science of ruling. The wisdom of the mass is the aggregate of the wisdom of its individual components. The larger the number unacquainted with political history and political economy, the smaller become the chances of having a sober, enlightened public. Democratic institutions can prosper only where the majority of the people have learned that morality and the law of right and reason are the only foundations of national wealth, and honor, and stability. A corrupt, ignorant people, when they set up a Republic, inaugurate the most terrible of tyrannies that can scourge the sons of Adam. The despotism of Louis XIV., was bad enough, but it was heaven compared to the hell of blood and anarchy into which the National Convention precipitated France.

The one great question of the day into which all others. resolve themselves is this, of the connection between politics and religion, between the State and the Church, the natural and the supernatural, reason and faith, God's right to command and man's duty to obey. At bottom all these are phases of one and the same question. We Catholic, young

and old, must solve this problem, or it never will be solved. The salvation of our souls, the permanence of our dearlyprized republican institutions, the prosperity of the Church in the United States depend on us on the high-toned Catholic political education of the young, or an intelligent, reading, reflecting, speaking and acting Catholic public.

If then we were asked what ought to be the first book put into the hands of Catholic boys and girls, we should answer the catechism. And the second? Modern history. And the third? The catechism and history. We mention girls as well as boys. We do not think the opinion probable enough to act on in practice, which holds that God made young ladies for the sole purpose of thrumming on the piano and singing French songs, of dancing French quadrilles, and reading trashy novels, of talking scandal, and painting in oil colors. We are inclined to think that their Maker gave them brains, and meant them to use those brains for his glory. A Catholic maiden will not make the worse wife or mother for having been taught to think. A knowledge of the catechism and of modern history, will not create a revolution in the kitchen or the laundry, or make a bigger hole in the husband's purse.

But we have completely forgotten Dr. Arnold. We shall be accused, no doubt, of using his venerable name as a convenient peg whereon to hang our own crude remarks. And we must, in part, plead guilty. Yet Dr. Arnold's life as well deserves the study of those interested in education, as a chef-d'œuvre of ancient statuary does that of the sculptor. Arnold was one of the greatest educators of modern times, and he who would understand what one earnest, devoted man can do for the minds and hearts of others, must read Mr. Stanley's Biography and Letters of Arnold. It was in 1828 that Arnold entered on his duties as head master of Rugby school, in the thirty-fourth year of his age, and eight years after he had left Oxford. For fourteen years Rugby school was one of the most celebrated in England, because it was Arnold's school. When he died there was one universal feeling of regret

and sorrow, even among the many political and religious enemies he had made. Arnold was a fearless, out-spoken man, ready to battle unto the death for what he held to be right. The question that most interested him was that which should most interest us-the connection between Church and State. And he came, probably, as near the true solution as a non-Catholic can. We lament the bitterness with which he opposed the Oxford movement, but no man can read the published collection of his letters without allowing him the praise of honesty and purity of motive. If ever there was a sincere, conscientious Protestant, Dr. Arnold was the man. His letters as those of Mother Seton before she became a Catholic, prove incontestibly, that there is a vast amount of goodness outside of the Church, only waiting the missionary labors of the Catholic clergy, and the prayers and exemplary lives of the Catholic laity to be brought within the one true fold of the Good Shepherd.

We have frankly pointed out what, from many years' experience, we are convinced are defects in our system of education. But in spite of these defects, our colleges and schools are the best in the land. They make religion the basis of mental and moral culture, and this fact places them immeasurably above those of the sects. Their scientific and literary defects are, in the main, as chargeable to Protestant schools, and are the results of the general contempt in this country, of liberal studies, and the allengrossing spirit of money-making. Against this spirit all our energies must be directed. "In the infancy of a state," says Lord Bacon, "arms do prevail; in its maturity, arms and learning for a short season; in its decline, commerce and the mechanical arts." If this be true, then are we in our national decline. But we will not believe it. This young country has not yet wrought out its destiny. Every thing is young and living and fresh here. In fact it is the very freshness of human passions that makes them so terrible when they throw off control. There is in the character of our countrymen a substratum of grave earnest

ness, of deep feeling, of sincere craving after truth, that affords the brightest and most cheering hopes for the future. This fever-fit of materialism will pass away. A day will come, we hope in our heart of hearts, when America will turn to the Church built on the Eternal Rock, and ask: "What canst thou give me?" And the true Mother's voice will answer: "That peace which the world cannot give." "Oh! give it then, thou Church of God." "Here, child, here, young, glorious Republic, take it-find it in the Faith of Jesus Christ, in the Sacrament of His Body and Blood-take it and renew thy youth like the eagle's, and may thy future glory be to thy past as the sun's meridian splendor to the pale radiance of the midnight W. J. B.

moon.

ART. III.-La Révolution, Recherches historiques sur L'Origine et la Propagation du Mal en Europe, depuis la Renaissance jusqu'a nos jours. Par MGR. GAUME. Protonotaire apostolique, Vicaire General de Reims, &c., &c. Paris: Gaume Freres. 1856— 1858. Livr. 12. 8vo.

THE human reason is safer in deriving consequences, than in exploring causes. It is by a happy quality of the mind, indeed, that it aspired to a first cause, and so is naturally attracted toward Him who gave it being. But while goodness is accessible, evil is difficult both in its origin and in its consequences; and if, among the causes, the cause of evil in general is the most obscure, that of some given evil will also partake, in due proportion, of the common difficulty and obscurity. The grand chapter of modern history, may be given in one word, that of-Revolution. And the capital fact under the same, is the French Revolution of 1789; which, by its Reign of Terror, has given a stamp of bloodshed to all our disorders, and remains a sanguinary warning of the radical or destructive spirit of the age. Hence the doubt and uncertainty which underlie the movements of society, politically and morally; and hence that conflict of optimism with distrust, of an elated presumption with a profound dejection, which marks the present time