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of right, and the sacrilege involved, that is the evil. If the annexation had been made with the free concurrence of the Sovereign Pontiff, we should have had nothing to say. We hold that a scrupulous respect for international right is of the highest interest to all sovereigns, to the strong as well as to the weak, for the strong to-day may be the weak to-morrow. The violation of the rights of the Holy See by Victor Emmanuel is a blow struck at the sacredness of his own, and already has France made him feel it in compelling him to cede to her Savoy and Nice. If he respects not the rights of others, how can he expect others to respect his? Iniquity propagates itself. When Austria recovers from her temporary embarrassment, and France, perhaps, is engaged in a death-struggle with Great Britain, or is embarrassed by an imbecile regency, what is to prevent the Austrian army not only from restoring the Grand Dukes, but from re-annexing Piedmont to Lombardy, and reëstablishing the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom? The plebiscite relied on is a two-edged sword, and may take away to-morrow what it gives to-day. If the people either of their own motion or as stirred up by foreign emissaries have the right to withdraw themselves from their legitimate sovereign and give themselves to another, and that other his enemy, which would in old times have been called rebellion and treason, what guaranty has Victor Emmanuel that his old or his new subjects will obey him any longer than it suits their caprice? No crown is safe, no throne is secure, and all established order, all legitimate government becomes impracticable, if the new doctrine of imperial France and Sardinia is to prevail. It is democracy in its worst form, in its bad, without its good.

Here is the terrible evil of the recent acts of the Sardinian government, sanctioned or acquiesced in by his most serene majesty, the Emperor of the French. In them a blow is struck at all government, and therefore at society itself, for society is impossible without government. The cause of the Pope is the cause of all sovereigns, of all

legitimate goverment, whether monarchical or republican, of society, of the human race; and we regret that we are too old to bind on a knapsack, shoulder a musket, and march to his defence as a soldier under the brave Lamoricière. All Greece armed to avenge on Paris the rape of Helen; all the Catholic world should arm to avenge the rape of Emilia, and vindicate the cause of political justice. We see now what the world has lost by the changes which have rendered impracticable the exercise of the inherent supremacy of the Papacy over temporal sovereigns, that while the judicial power remains, the executive power is crippled. The present is precisely one of those cases when the Vicar of our Lord has need to intervene with the full spiritual authority to vindicate outraged humanity, and the laws of God set at naught. It is because such cases as the present are constantly occurring, when the last refuge of violated truth, and justice, and humanity, is the Papacy, that we have felt it not inopportune, nor unnecessary to recall the minds of the faithful, the supremacy of the spiritual order, and therefore of the Pope as its representative on earth. It has been the forgetfulness of that supremacy that has emboldened professedly Catholic sovereigns to despoil the Holy See, and to defy the censures of the Church. Gallicanism and Gosselinism have prepared the way for what we see, and made even some Catholics doubt the propriety of excommunicating a king, especially a king who pretends to head the movement for political freedom and national independence. It would without asserting the power we have claimed for the Pope be difficult to justify the excommunication of Victor Emmanuel and his counsellors, aiders and abettors. It is because we hold the Pope has that power from God, that we approve the spiritual censures. with which he brands the despoilers of the Holy See.

However, it is not for us componere lites between Catholics, any more than it is to fortell what is to be the final solution of the present Italian and Roman questions. We place ourselves on the side of the Pope and assert, as in duty bound, the supremacy of the spiritual order; we defend the

excommunication, and we do so in the interest alike of religion and politics, and without abating in the least our confidence in constitutionalism, or our sympathy with the Sardinian movement so far, as it is a movement in favor of constitutional government, or abandoning our hopes for the brave Piedmontese, who are now suffering for the faults of their rulers. We go as far as the Holy Father goes, but no farther. We condemn the stirring up by Sardinian agents of the revolution in Romagna, and the annexation. of that portion of the States of the Church to Sardinia, but we do not condemn the constitution given to his kingdom by Carlo Alberto, or feel that we are called upon to swing round to the side of despotism, or to seek to reëstablish Austrian prepotence in the Italian peninsula. We trust Victor Emmannel, who, though not much of a man, if what we hear be true, is yet a Catholic in his faith, will return to his senses, learn that he can do all the good to his subjects that he is prepared to do, without incurring any ecclesiastical censure, and make up his mind to be reconciled to the Church. The Pope has spoken, but we do not think it our duty to throw in our impertinent voice to aid in making the breach wider than it is. No Catholic can defend the king, no Catholic should wish to do it, but we should all pray for peace between him and the Holy Father.

ART. II.--1. The Life and Correspondence of Thomas Arnold, D. D., Head Master of Rugby School, and Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford. By ARTHUR PENRHYN STANLEY, M. A. London, 1858. 2. The Miscellaneous Works of Thomas Arnold, D. D. Second American Edition. New York: D. Appleton & Co. 1846.

Ir may seem out of season to introduce to our readers the name and writings of a man dead nearly twenty years. Yet the questions which habitually occupied Arnold's

mind are so intimately allied with those which now agitate the world, that an exposition of them, however brief, cannot fail to interest. Dr. Arnold was a deep thinker, and his tongue was a clear, eloquent, and fearless exponent of his thought. The position that he took on the Catholic Emancipation Question, and the Oxford Movement, connects his name with two of the most important events of Modern English History.

The Biography of Arnold by Arthur P. Stanley, Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the University of Oxford, was first published in 1844. The edition before us, that of 1858, is the eighth. When we say that Mr. Stanley was, for five years, a pupil of Rugby School, we say enough to prove that the composition of his book, whatever may be its literary merits--and they are many-was a labor of love. Few ever stamped so deep an impress of their own individuality on the minds of others, ever exercised, in their sphere, so mighty and lasting an influence as Arnold. The Rugby boys were passionately attached to him; and no public school attained a greater celebrity in the English universities than Rugby during Arnold's administration. Tom Brown's School Days have made the monotonous, unromantic scenery round Rugby classic ground. It is impossible to read the last chapter of that frank, whole-hearted English book without a swelling heart and tear-dimmed eye, without treasuring up the name of Arnold as one of those which we never willingly let die from the memory.

To the general reader, the life of a literary man presents few attractions. Its interest is purely psychological; the stage on which it is acted is the sanctuary of the soul, and the actors are thoughts and feelings. It lacks the external, brilliant dramatism of the soldier's or statesman's career, and can make little impression on an age whose watchwords are exteriority and material progress. But to the educated man, to the earnest student who would penetrate beneath the surface of things, such a life is replete with interest. There is no better method of studying public events than

by contemplating them in the lights and shadows which they cast on a gifted and high-minded soul.

Thomas Arnold was born at West Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, in 1795. He was for four years a pupil of Winchester High School, whence he went, in 1811, to Corpus Christi College, Oxford. He was elected, in 1815, a Fellow of Oriel College. It is interesting to note that he was succeeded in this Fellowship by one whose views were, somewhat later, to be so totally opposed to his; against whom and the party of which he considered him the head, he was to war with tongue and pen to his last breath. We allude to the illustrious English Oratorian, the very Reverend John Henry Newman. History and Geography were, from earliest youth, Arnold's favorite studies. Before he went to Winchester, England had entered on that gigantic struggle against Napoleon, which, beginning with the victories of Badajoz, Talavera, and Vittoria in Portugal and Spain, triumphantly closed on the Belgian plain of Waterloo. Young Arnold's residence at a seaport in the Isle of Wight, gave him frequent opportunities of seeing and hearing those who had taken an active share in the stirring events of the time, who had fought under Nelson and participated with Sir Arthur Wellesley, in the fatigues and glory of the Peninsular campaign. This naturally tended to develope his historic tastes. At Winchester he applied with new zeal to his favorite pursuits; and it is curious to notice, in the boy of fourteen, the indications of that critical turn of mind and sober historical skepticism which led to such brilliant results in his own case and that of his friend, the illustrious Niebuhr. In one of his school-boy letters, he expresses his indignation at "the numerous boasts which are every where to be met with in the Latin writers-I verily believe," he continues, "that half at least of the Roman history is, if not totally false, at least scandalously exaggerated. How far different are the modest, unaffected, and impartial narrations of Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon."

Corpus Christi was, when Arnold entered, one of the

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