main second-rate English. The deposit of democratic liberty is little safe in our hauds, if we be.

We have thus far not paid any attention to the excellent book, at the head of this paper. Sir James knows that he has a sure place in the heart of America: but it is something more than this book which we expect from him. We are longing for a suitable history of England from the revolution of 1688 up to this day, and we respectfully complain that he is slow to fulfil the world's hope. He will be eagerly read in America, when he comes forth with that work. So far from neglecting the reading of English history, we even doubt if it is not a great deal too much studied in the United States.

It is, no doubt, of the first consequence to a practical lawyer, that he should study well the civil history of Englandbut as for those speculators who with us usurp the high office of directing our judgments on political subjects, verily one is sometimes provoked to wish that they had never heard of that history at all. In the trackless desert, it is necessary sometimes to turn our eyes from the sands around us to the stars above us, but we are lost if we keep them there too long; in the untrodden wilderness it may be well to look to the way behind us, but it is better to ponder well the path before. Politics, is indeed, something better than a set of cunning rules often suspended by a miscounting selfishness, and ever flexible to every emerging circumstance: it is an art founded upon general, and, we believe, certain principles; but it is an art purely practical in its very nature, and it being once perceived that it should be the object of a statesman to provide real securities for the liberty and property of those whom he presumes to govern, it ought never to be forgotten that in choosing efficient means to effect this object, "he must ever have an eye to the place where, and to the men amongst whom he is."

"In the monarchies of Europe different orders and ranks of 'society are established, large masses of property are accumu'lated in the hands of single individuals, and standing armies ' are necessary;" but the condition of these United States is in all these respects wholly different. And yet, let the question be how it is possible in a representative democracy to prevent the majority from abusing the power of laying taxes? Let the question be, whether a man who has two cows has not as good a right to vote as he that owns one horse? Let the question be, whether it is not reasonable that those who act for the people should do as the people tell them? Let the question be what it may, what is the first thing which most American politicians

are sure to do? They spread their books-they are quite sure that whatever question may arise here, a question in consimili casu has already arisen in England; they hunt for an English authority, a case in point, and end with this. They take it all along for granted, that whatever it was prudent and just to do in old England two centuries, or, if you will, two years ago, it is of course prudent and just to do in Virginia or Carolina now. Let no one suppose from all this, that we look upon history as nothing more than, what it certainly is to the common race of readers, the aliment of unthinking curiosity or the amusement of restless indolence. To those who consult it with minds fitted and prepared to learn, it were a silly paradox to deny that it is of all studies that most likely to furnish us with a solid knowledge of those things which concern our conduct. What we wish to say is that it is idle to light the lamp of experience, if we hang that lamp where it can be no guide to our feet; that however well it may be to question the oracle of wisdom, the responses of that oracle can after all be worth nothing to him who cannot interpret, or will not apply them. "History," says Mr. Burke, "is a great improver of the understanding by showing both men and affairs in a great 'variety of views. From this source much political wisdom 'may be learned; that is, may be learned as habit not as pre'cept; and as an exercise to strengthen the mind, as furnish'ing materials to enlarge and enrich it, not as a repertory of 'cases and precedents for a lawyer; if it were, a thousand times 'better would it be that a statesman had never learned to read'vellem nescirent literas. This method turns their understandings 'from the objects before them, and from the present exigencies ' of the world to comparisons with former times, of which after 'all we can know very little and very imperfectly; and our 'guides the historians who are to give us their true interpreta'tion are often prejudiced, often ignorant, often fonder of sys'tem than of truth. Whereas if a man with reasonable good parts and natural sagacity, and not in the leading-strings of 'any master, will look steadily on the business before him without 'being diverted by retrospect and comparison, he may be capable of forming a reasonable good judgment of what is to be 'done."

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ART. VIII-1. Catechism of Political Economy, or familiar Conversations on the manner in which wealth is produced, distributed and consumed in Society. By JEAN BAPTISTE SAY, Professor, &c. &c. Translated from the French by John Richter. Philadelphia. 1817.

2. A Treatise on Political Economy, or the production, distribution and consumption of Wealth. By JEAN BAPTISTE SAY. Translated (in England) from the 4th edition of the French, by C. R. Prinsep, M. A. With Notes by the Translator. From the American edition, containing a translation of the Introduction, and additional Notes, by CLEMENT C. BIDDLE. Philadelphia. 1830.

To those who are in the habit of disparaging the science of Political Economy, we would propose one opportune test of its utility. Had it been understood heretofore, the Tariff would never have existed-were it understood now, the Tariff would not for a day longer glare above the horizon to perplex the Councils of the Nation with portents of disastrous change. Had it been duly taught and studied, that unhappy state of things this day afflicting our country, painful to the patriot and grateful to the minions of despotism, would not have been developed. The prophecies of a dissolution of the Confederacy, which have echoed on our shores from the other side of the Atlantic, would not, at least, have found sponsors among ourselves. The last achievement in the cause of liberty and justice would not be wanting to our institutions. Freedom of industry and equality of taxation would even now also be pillars of beauty and effulgence in our capitol. The angry discussions and sectional animosities consequent upon unfurling the transcendental and penultimate rights of the States, would not have disfigured our national annals. In short, had correct and full knowledge been among the people upon this subject, that Pandora's box, the "Protective System," would never have been opened, and if hope still linger beneath its lid, to this science it is that she must look for aliment and life. Political freedom as a nation, civil freedom as citizens, the freedom of religious opinion and of the press we have realized to the full. Yet there remains to be achieved the freedom of industry. Competition is the best encouragement, monopoly its most deadly foe, and that government which grants the one or thwarts the other is guilty of tyranny.

"There is yet one step more to be made, [says the writer under review,] and that can only be rendered practicable by the wider diffusion of the principles of political economy. They will some day have taught mankind, that the sacrifice of their lives, in a contest for the acquisition or retention of colonial dominion or commercial monopoly, is a vain pursuit of a costly and delusive good; that external products, even those of the colonial dependencies of a nation, are only procurable with the products of domestic growth; that internal production is, therefore, the proper object of solicitude, and is best to be promoted by political tranquillity, moderate and equal laws, and facility of intercourse."

Believing with Seneca that "nunquam nimis dicitur, quod nunquam satis discitur," we do not hesitate to bring forward the works at the head of this article, notwithstanding the almost innumerable treatises upon the subject with which the press has teemed, in various countries, since the appearance of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. The nativity of the science is to be dated from that event, and the coincidence is to be remarked that it was contemporaneous with our Declaration of Independence in 1776. In assiguing it this companionship, there is no extravagance. With Professor McVickar, of Columbia College, New York, who has done the country much service by a republication of McCulloch's article from the Encyclopedia Britannica, with excellent notes, we are of opinion that "the high principles which this science teaches, entitle it to be re'garded as the moral instructor of nations," and that, "without incurring the charge of enthusiasm, it may be main'tained to be the redeeming science of modern times-the regenerating principle that, in connexion with the spirit of Christianity, is at work in the civilized governments of the 'world, not to revolutionize, but to reform. The language of political economy is the language of reason, and of enlarged ' experience, blinded by no prejudices, drawn aside by no private motives, coloured by no sectional feelings, but holding singly and steadily the course of true patriotism, the common good of our common country. To the rising governments of 'America, it teaches wisdom by European experience; and to 'all nations, it facilitates their approach to that indefinable limit of the perfectibility of man, which in every age has fur'nished the brightest visions to the patriot and philanthropist, and the strongest motives as the highest reward to the exer'tions of the wise, the benevolent and the good."

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The advances made within the last fifty-five years have not been more remarkable in the prosperity of our country than in the improvement of knowledge upon the subjects of social

.

economy. Among the causes which have retarded the former, ignorance of the latter has assuredly been the most efficacious. "In countries blessed with a representative form of govern'ment," says our author in the introduction to his work, for a translation of which we are greatly indebted to Mr. Biddle, "each citizen is under a much greater obligation to make him'self acquainted with the principles of political economy; for 'there, every man is called on to deliberate upon public af'fairs." At this juncture especially, when the subject in all its fibres is stretched before the public for consideration, and before Congress for legislative action, no topic can be more apt or interesting, and we should be remiss, as public servants, in not reflecting light upon it from the best luminaries. That the writings of Say are of this class, and in this class pre-eminent, there is abundant testimony beyond our own. The established text books in all the universities of the continent of Europe, they have also been translated into English, German, Spanish, Italian and other languages; and the treatise has run through five editions in its native country, and four in this, where indeed is its proper market as yet. It should be one of the boasts of our nation that here is "ample room and verge enough" for the circulation of such a work; and we press it upon every American as an invaluable companion. Upon the matters of which it treats, of late years, a flood of information has been poured by our newspapers and other journals, but the argument is not spent, nor is all known that can be, else would not monstrous propositions, at the very moment in which we write, be flowing from the high places of our Wittenagemot.

The discussion which has been going on among us so long, so universally and so vividly, has struck out new lights, and challenged to the lists most able disputants, and of these none have done more in the good cause than the "Banner of the Constitution," published at Philadelphia. But to those who are sincerely desirous of obtaining just ideas in the best form, the work before us is chiefly to be commended. Even in this publication they will have occasion to see that the science is yet green and uncompact, and, if in setting out they admit their own ignorance, they may console themselves with the assurance that those who have mastered it are neither many, nor without reward. There is a lambent satisfaction on an ingenuous mind, at detecting and expelling an erroneous opinion, like the heated lightning which plays around the skirts of a vanishing cloudthere is a proud satisfaction with a quiet smile of easy victory, as of the Apollo Belvidere, in the consciousness of superior knowledge. These the student of political economy may en