renewed and bitter opposition of the Democrats, who, as usual, fought it desperately in both branches of Congress. But Republican efforts failed in 1884, in the interest of the wool-growers of the country, to restore the Protective-duties on wool, which had been sacrificed, in 1883, to an exigency created by Democratic opposition to them. Another Democratic effort, in the direction of Free-Trade, known as "the Morrison Tariff-Bill of 1884," was made in the latter year, which, besides increasing the free-list, by adding to it salt, coal, timber, and wood unmanufactured, as well as many manufactures thereof, decreased the import duties "horizontally" on everything else to the extent of twenty per cent. The Republicans, aided by a few Democrats, killed this undigested and indigestible Democratic Bill, by striking out its enacting clause. By this time, however, by dint of the incessant specialpleading in behalf of the obnoxious and un-American doctrine of Free-Trade,-or the nearest possible approach to it, consistent with the absolutely essential collection of revenues for the mere support of the Governmentindulged in (by some of the professors) in our colleges of learning; through a portion of the press; upon the stump; and in Congress; together with the liberal use of British gold in the wide distribution of printed British arguments in its favor, this pernicious but favorite idea of the Solid South had taken such firm root in the minds of the greater part of the Democratic Party in the North and West, as well as the South, that a declaration in the National Democratic platform in its favor was now looked for, as a matter of course. The "little leaven" of this monstrous un-American heresy seemed likely to leaven "the whole mass" of the Democracy. But, as in spite of the tremendous advantage given to that Party by the united vote of the Solid South, the Presidential contest of 1884 was likely to be so close that, to give Democracy any chance to win, the few Democrats opposed to Free-Trade must be quieted, the utterances of the Democratic National Platform of that year, on the subject, were so wonderfully pieced, and ludicrously intermixed, that they could be construed to mean "all things to all men." At last, after an exciting campaign, the Presidential election of 1884 was held, and for the first time since 1856, the old Free-Trade Democracy of the South could rejoice over the triumph of their Presidential candidate. Great was the joy of the Solid South ! At last, its numberless crimes against personal Freedom, and political Liberty, would reap a generous harvest. At last, participation in Rebellion would no more be regarded as a blot upon the political escutcheon. At last, commensurate rewards for all the long years of disconsolate waiting, and of hard work in night ridings, and house-burnings, and "nigger"-whippings, and "nigger"-shootings, and "nigger"-hangings, and ballot-box stuffings, and all the other dreadful doings to which these old leaders were impelled by a sense of SolidSouthern patriotism, and pride of race, and lust for power, would come, and come in profusion. Grand places in the Cabinet, and foreign Missions, for the old Rebels of distinction, now Chiefs of the "SolidSouthern" Conspiracy, and for those other able Northern Democrats who had helped them, during or since the Rebellion; fat consulates abroad, for others of less degree; post-offices, without stint, for the lesser lights; all this, and more, must now come. The long-hidden light of a glorious day was about to break. The "restoration of the Government to the principles and practices of the earlier period," predicted by the "unreconstructed " Rebel chieftains-those "same principles for which they fought for four years the principles of Southern Independence, Slavery, Free Trade and Oligarchic rule-were now plainly in sight, and within reach! The triumph of the Free-Trade Democracy, if continued to another Presidential election, would make FreeTrade a certainty. The old forms of Slavery, to be sure, were dead beyond reanimation-perhaps; but, in their place, were other forms of Slavery, which attracted less attention and reprobation from the World at large, and yet were quite as effectual for all Southern purposes. The system of Peonage and contracted convict-labor, growing out of the codes of Black laws, were all-sufficient to keep the bulk of the Negro race in practical subjection and bondage. The solidifying of the South had already made the South not only practically independent within the Union, but the overshadowing power, potential enough to make, and unmake, the rulers and policies of the Democratic Party, and of that Union. This, indeed, was a grand outcome for the tireless efforts of the once defeated Conspirators! And as to Oligarchal rule the rule of the few (and those the Southern chiefs) over the many-was not that already accomplished? For, these old Rebel leaders and oligarchs who had secured the supreme rule over the Solid South, had also, through their ability to wield the power of that Solid South within the Union, actually secured the power of practically governing the entire Union! That Union, then, which we have been wont to look upon as the grandest, noblest, freest, greatest Republic upon Earth, is it really such, in all respects, at the present? Does the Free Republic of the United States exist, in fact, to-day ?* * Can it be doubted that we are governed by "the few" instead of "the many"? Let us illustrate by sample. Take Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina. By the census of 1880, these four Southern States had 923,845 voters-442,604 white, and 481,241 colored. Now, the number of votes permitted to be cast in those four States in 1884, was 475,055-only 32,451 more than the number of white voters. Where were the other 448,790?. Pennsylvania, on the other hand, had 1,094,284 voters, and cast 898,140 votes in 1884. Here, then, we had four Southern States, in 1884, polling only 475,055 popular votes, and casting, in the Electoral College, thirty-six votes for President and Vice-President, while one Northern State, at the same time, polled 898,140 popular votes, and cast in the Electoral College, only thirty votes for the Presidental offices! It is evident, at once, how much more valuable is a counted vote in any of those four Southern States, than one in that Northern State; and if that condition of things throughout continues, this becomes an oligarchy instead of our boasted Republic. CHAPTER XXXIII. WHAT NEXT? THE PRESENT OUTLOOK-COMMERCIAL PROSPECTS, BRIGHT—WHAT THE PEOPLE OF THE NORTHERN AND WESTERN STATES SEEWHAT IS "A REPUBLICAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT?"—WHAT DID THE FATHERS MEAN BY IT-THE REASON FOR THE GUARANTEE IN THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION-PURPOSES OF "THE PEOPLE IN CREATING THIS REPUBLIC THE "SOLID-SOUTH ERN OLIGARCHS DEFEAT THOSE PURPOSES-THE REPUBLICAN "WATCHMAN, WHAT OF THE NIGHT?” ........Pages 666 to 674. A ....... ND what next? Aye, what next? Do the patriotic, innocent-minded lovers of a Republican form of Government imagine, for an instant, that all danger to its continued existence and well-being has ceased to threaten? -that all the crises perilous to that beneficent popular governmental form have vanished ?--that the climacteric came, and went, with the breaking out, and suppression, of the Rebellion ?—and that there is nothing alarming in the outlook? Quite likely. The public mind has not yet been aroused to a sense of the actual revolution against Republican form of government that has already taken place in many of the Southern States, much less as to the likelihood of things to come. The people of any one of the Western, or Northern States, take New York, for example,-feel prosperous and happy under the beneficent workings of the Republican Protective-Tariff system. Business, of all sorts, recovering from the numerous attacks made upon that prime bulwark of our American industries, if only let alone, will fairly hum, and look bright, so far as "the Almighty dollar" is concerned. They know they have their primaries and conventions, in their wards and counties throughout their State, and their State Conventions, and their elections. They know that the voice of the majority of their own people, uttered through the sacred ballot-box, is practically the Vox Dei—and that all bow to it. They know also, that this State government of theirs, with all its ramifications-whether as to its Executive, its Legislative, its Judicial, and other officials, either elective or appointed-is a Republican form of government, in the American sense-in the sense contemplated by the Fathers, when they incorporated into the revered Constitution of our Country the vital words: "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of government." But they do not realize the vastly different condition of things in many States of the Solid South, nor how it affects themselves. And what is this "republican" form of government, thus pledged? It is true that there are not wanting respectable authorities whose definitions of the words "republic," and "republican," are strongly inharmonious with their true meaning, as correctly understood by the great bulk of Americans. Thus, Brande asserts that "A republic may be either a democracy or an aristocracy!"- and proceeds to say: "In the former, the supreme power is vested in the whole body of the people, or in representatives elected by the people; in the latter, it is vested in a nobility, or a privileged class of comparatively a small number of persons." John Adams* also wrote: "The customary meanings of the words republic and commonwealth have been infinite. They have been applied to every Government under heaven; that of Turkey and that of Spain, as well as that of Athens and of Rome, of Geneva and San Marino." But the true meaning of the word "republican" as applied to a "form of government," and as commonly and almost invariably understood by those who, above all others in the wide World, should best understand and appreciate its blessings-to wit: the American People* John Adams' Works, vol. x., p. 378. |
