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ginated in this Government, have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their self-possession, and, just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, so will this great Nation continue to prosper as heretofore.'

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And toward the end of that journey, on the 22nd of February-Washington's Birthday—in the Independence Hall at Philadelphia, after eloquently affirming his belief that "the great principle or idea that kept this Confederacy so long together was that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave Liberty not alone to the People of this Country, but" he hoped "to the World, for all future time ** which gave promise that, in due time, the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men”—he added, in the same firm, yet temperate and reassuring vein: "Now, my friends, can this Country be saved on that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved on that basis, it will be truly awful. But, if this Country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or War. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say, in advance, that there will be no bloodshed, unless it be forced upon the Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defense. I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by."

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Thus, as he progressed on that memorable journey from his home in Illinois, through Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Erie, Buffalo, Albany, New York, Trenton, Newark, Philadelphia, and Harrisburg-amid the prayers and blessings and acclamations of an enthusiastic and patriotic people-he uttered words of wise conciliation and firm moderation such as beseemed the high functions and tremendous responsibilities to which the voice of that liberty-and-union-loving people had called him, and this too, with a full knowledge, when he made the Philadelphia speech, that the enemies of the Republic

had already planned to assassinate him before he could reach Washington.

The prudence of his immediate friends, fortunately defeated the murderous purpose-and by the simple device of taking the regular night express from Philadelphiainstead of a special train next day-to Washington, he reached the National Capital without molestation early on the morning of the 23rd of February.

That morning, after Mr. Lincoln's arrival, in company with Mr. Lovejoy, the writer visited him at Willard's Hotel. During the interview both urged him to "Go right along, protect the property of the Country, and put down the Rebellion, no matter at what cost in men and money." He listened with grave attention, and said little, but very clearly indicated his approval of all the sentiments thus expressed and then, with the same firm and manly and cheerful faith in the outcome, he added: "As the Country has placed me at the helm of the Ship, I'll try to steer her through."

The spirit in which he proposed to accomplish this superhuman task, was shown when he told the Southern people through the Civic authorities of Washington on the 27th of February-when the latter called upon him-that he had no desire or intention to interfere with any of their Constitutional rights-that* they should have all their rights under the Constitution, "not grudgingly, but fully and fairly." And what was the response of the South to this generous and conciliatory message? Personal sneers -imputations of Northern cowardice-boasts of Southern prowess-scornful rejection of all compromise—and an insolent challenge to the bloody issue of arms!

Said Mr. Wigfall, in the United States Senate, on March 2d, alluding to Mr. Lincoln: "I do not think that a man who disguises himself in a soldier's cloak and a Scotch cap (a more thorough disguise could not be assumed by such a man)t and makes his entry between day and day, into the

*Arnold's Life of Lincoln, p. 188

† Had Mr. Wigfall been able at this time to look four years into the future and behold the downfall of the Southern Rebellion, the flight of its

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Capital of the Country that he is to govern—I hardly think that he is going to look War sternly in the face. I look for nothing else than that the Commissioners from the Confederated States will be received here and recognized by Abraham Lincoln. I will now predict that this Republican Party that is going to enforce the Laws, preserve the Union, and collect Revenue, will never attempt anything so silly; and that instead of taking Forts, the troops will be withdrawn from those which we now have. See if this does not turn out to be so, in less than a week or ten days.

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In the same insulting diatribe, he said: "It is very easy for men to bluster who know there is going to be no danger. Four or five million people living in a territory that extends from North Carolina down to the Rio Grande, who have exports to above three hundred million dollars, whose ports cannot be blockaded, but who can issue letters of marque and reprisal, and sweep your commerce from the seas, and who will do it, are not going to be trifled with by that sensible Yankee nation. Mark my words. I did think, at one time, there was going to be War; I do not think so now. * * * The Star of the West swaggered into Charleston harbor, received a blow planted full in the face, and staggered out. Your flag has been insulted; redress it if you dare! You have submitted to it for two months, and you will submit to it for We have dissolved the Union; mend it

ever.

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if you can; cement it with blood; try the experiment! we do not desire War; we wish to avoid it. * This we say; and if you choose to settle this question by the Sword, we feel, we know, that we have the Right. We interfere with you in no way. We ask simply that you will not interfere with us. * * You tell us you will keep us in the Union. Try the experiment!"

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And then, with brutal frankness, he continued: "Now,

Chieftains, and the capture of Jefferson Davis while endeavoring to escape, with his body enclosed in a wrapper and a woman's shawl over his head, as stated by Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart of Jefferson Davis's Staff, p. 756, vol. ii., Greeley's American Conflict-he would hardly have retailed this slander.

whether what are called The Crittenden Resolutions will produce satisfaction in some of these Border States, or not, I am unaware; but I feel perfectly sure they would not be entertained upon the Gulf. As to the Resolutions which the Peace Congress has offered us, we might as well make a clean breast of it. If those Resolutions were adopted, and ratified by three-fourths of the States of this Union, and no other cause ever existed, I make the assertion that the seven States now out of the Union, would go out upon that."

CHAPTER VIII.

THE REJECTED OLIVE BRANCH.

THE VARIOUS COMPROMISES OFFERED BY THE NORTH- "THE CRITCOMPROMISE"- THE PEACE CONFERENCE

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PROMISE PROPOSITIONS OF THE SOUTHERN CONSPIRATORS—
IRRECONCILABLE ATTITUDE OF THE PLOTTERS-HISTORY OF THE
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CRITTENDEN RESOLUTIONS IN THE SENATE-ANTHONY'S MORE
THAN EQUITABLE PROPOSITIONS-HIS AFFECTING APPEAL TO
STONY HEARTS-THE CONSPIRACY DEVELOPING-SIX SOUTHERN
SENATORS REFUSE TO VOTE AGAINST THE CLARK SUBSTITUTE
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TORS TO FURTHER INFLAME REBELLION-SAULSBURY'S AFTER-
STATEMENT (1862) AS TO CAUSES OF FAILURE OF CRITTENDEN'S
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OF GOVERNMENT IN THE HANDS OF THE FEW"-THE CORWIN
COMPROMISE RESOLUTION IN THE HOUSE-THE BURCH AMEND-
MENT-KELLOGG'S PROPOSITION-THE CLEMENS SUBSTITUTE—
PASSAGE BY THE HOUSE OF CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PRO-
HIBITING CONGRESSIONAL INTERFERENCE WITH SLAVERY WHERE
IT EXISTS-ITS ADOPTION BY THE SENATE-THE CLARK SUBSTI-
TUTE RECONSIDERED AND DEFEATED-PROPOSITIONS OF THE
PEACE CONGRESS LOST-REJECTION OF THE CRITTENDEN COM-
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Pages 145 to 169.

7HILE instructive, it will also not be devoid of interest, to pause here, and examine the nature of the Crittenden Resolutions, and also the Resolutions of the Peace Congress, which, we have seen, were spurned by the Secession leaders, through their chief mouthpiece in the United States Senate.

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