to increase the power of the people, when recommended warmly and repeatedly by the executive of the province and supported by the Crown. I have, etc., (Signed) J. RUSSELL. CLVI SYDENHAM TO A FRIEND [Trans. Scrope, op. cit.] 1840 (?) No man in his senses would think for a moment of the Union without its being accompanied by some sort of Local Government, in which the people may control their own officers, and the executive at the same time obtain some influence in the country districts. Without a breakwater of this kind between the Central Government and the people, Government with an Assembly is impossible in Lower Canada, and most difficult in Upper Canada; and it is absurd to expect that any good system can or will be established by the Provincial Legislature, even if time admitted of its being proposed to them. No colonial legislature will ever divest itself of the great power it now possesses of parcelling out sums of money for every petty local job; and although by the Union Bill the initiative of money votes will be confined to the Government, this provision will become null, because the moment that the executive is called upon to provide for all these local expenses, with the details of which it cannot be acquainted, it must renounce the task, and leave it in the hands of the members themselves. A distinct principle must be laid down, that all purely local expenses be borne by the localities themselves, settled and voted by them, and that only great works be paid for out of the provincial funds. Nor is it only with reference to the Canadas that it was all-important for Parliament itself to have laid down the principle and details of Local Government. Since I have been in these Provinces, I have become more and more satisfied that the capital cause of the misgovernment of them is to be found in the absence of Local Government, and the consequent exercise by the Assembly of powers wholly inappropriate to its functions. Members are everywhere chosen only with reference to the extent of job for their particular district which they can carry. Whoever happens to lead a party in the House, of twelve or fourteen members, may at once obtain a majority for his political views by jobbing with other members for votes upon them, or by rejecting their jobs as the penalty of refusal oust them from their seats. This, indeed, is admitted by the best men of all parties, and especially of the popular side. But it is equally admitted that they cannot of themselves change the system. In both Nova Scotia and New Brunswick I was told that if Parliament laid down a system of Local Government for Canada, then it was likely that in these provinces too the Assembly would adopt it; but, without that, it would be impossible to get it done. So, by this step, if Lord John has really been forced to take it, not only has all chance of the Union Bill working well been destroyed, but also the hope of a change of system throughout all the Provinces. Last year, if you remember, we made it a sine quâ non to the Union; indeed, our scheme was altogether based on it. The establishment of Municipal Government by Act of Parliament is as much a part of the intended scheme of Government for the Canadas as the union of the two Legislatures, and the more important of the two. All chance of good Government, in Lower Canada especially, depends on its immediate adoption. FIFTH PERIOD 1840-1867 Lord John Russell was not prepared to accept in its entirety Lord Durham's proposal for full responsible government, but in his instructions to Sydenham, he at least shewed a new path to the British Government (see No. CXLII). Sydenham's plan of being his own first minister and of calling to the service of the Government the best men, without forming what we know technically as a Cabinet, was well suited for a time of stress. The recent rebellions had left memories out of all proportion to their importance. The French-Canadians were full of melancholy suspicion, and feared that Durham's suggestion for their absorption might be attempted. Sydenham's successor, Sir Charles Bagot, went further, but Sir Charles Metcalfe, who followed, had little belief in the possibility of establishing full responsible government (see No. CLX), and under him the old sore was re-opened. Fortunately, Sir Robert Peel's ministry fell at another difficult moment in Canadian history, and Lord John Russell came into power with Earl Grey as Secretary of State for the Colonial Department. Almost at once the new Government decided to grant full responsible government, and the principle was laid down by Earl Grey himself: "This country has no interest whatever in exercising any greater influence on the internal affairs of the colonies than is indispensable either for the purpose of preventing any one colony from adopting measures injurious to another or to the Empire at large." 991 It has been impossible to give examples of documents which would illustrate in full the development of representative government in the Maritime Provinces. Joseph Howe's letters (Nos. CXXXVII-CXL) prepared the way. Lord Falkland's failure in Nova Scotia to imitate Sydenham's policy accelerated the development and to his successor, Sir John Harvey, were sent despatches in which the principles of full responsible government were laid down (Nos. CLXI; CLXII). Nova Scotia and New Brunswick passed through a comparatively uneventful history to their full self-government. In Canada, however, there were, after the Act of Union, eight years of experimenting, and it was not till the arrival of Lord Elgin as Governor-General that Canada had a system of Cabinet Government in full working order. Elgin received similar instructions to those given to Sir John Harvey. With these as a working scheme, he faced immediate issues and with him responsible government triumphed. His correspondence (Nos. CLXIIICLXXII) illustrates his purpose and throws light on the diffi 1 Earl Grey, The Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell, Vol. I., p. 17 (2 vols., London, 1853). |