strument; and, in acknowledging the receipt of the orders sent to him, showed that he thoroughly understood the purposes for which they were issued. "Should I (said he in his letter to the Secretary of War of 29th March, 1836,*) find any disposition on the part of the Mexicans or their red brethren to menace our frontier, I cannot but deem it my duty, not only to hold the troops of my command in readiness for action, in defence of our slender frontier, but to anticipate their lawless movements by crossing our supposed or imaginary national boundary, and meeting the savage marauders wherever they may be found in their approach towards our frontier." In other words, he would march to the rescue of Texas, should the Mexican forces advance into the revolted province. A few days after the date of this letter, the General, in his hot zeal, made a requisition on the Governors of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee, each for a battalion of volunteers to protect the frontiers! The General and the Cabinet acted in perfect unison. The former had hinted his readiness to cross the imaginary boundary, for the purpose of anticipating the approach of the Mexicans. The latter, on the 25th April, informed him there was reason to believe the Indians would be induced to join the Mexicans, and in that case, should the contending parties approach the frontier, he may advance as far as NACOGDOCHES. On the 4th May, he is informed

that the Secretary of War had written to the Governors of Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Alabama, requiring them to furnish him with such militia force as he may require to protect the Western frontier of the United States from hostile incursions." The General had, on his own responsibility, called for four battalions from four States. The President, still more provident,

* Ex. Doc., 1st Sess. 24th Cong. Vol. 6.

gives him power to call for an unlimited number of Militia from no less than five States. And why were these vast powers confided to Gaines?—and what and where was the enemy against whom this unnumbered Militia was to be poured forth by all these States? Not an Indian, not a Texan, not a Mexican, had invaded our territory. The country was at peace; nor were there even rumors of approaching war. To understand the management of Gaines and his employers, it must be recollected that adventurers were now flocking to Texas, and that Texan agents were organizing in the Southern States military expeditions to rescue the province from the dominion of Mexico. A letter from one of these men, Felix Houston, dated Natchez, Mississippi, 4th March, 1836, and published in the journals of the day, will suffice to show the character of these expeditions. "I contemplate starting for Texas about 1st May next, and expect to take with me about five hundred emigrants. I am making preparations for arms, ammunition, uniforms, &c., &c., at an expense of $40,000. I shall have a rendezvous, and begin to send on supplies by the 1st May." Of course, such expeditions were a drain upon the pockets of slaveholders, as well as upon the treasury of Texas. The device of the Cabinet, in permitting General Gaines to collect volunteers on the frontier of Texas, from no less than five States, at the public expense, obviated the only serious difficulty experienced in raising within the United States a military force for wresting Texas from Mexico. Recruits for Texas might now, under the requisitions of the President, and the plenipotentiary discretion of the General, be equipped and transported from the neighboring States to Nacogdoches, in Texas, at the cost of the United States. When once in Texas, they might fight the Mexicans if they pleased, but they were sent there to "protect the frontier ;" and, in

sending them for such a purpose, the President of course violated none of the obligations of neutrality, and afforded the Mexicans no cause for complaint! General Gaines had been authorized to advance as far as Nacogdoches; but circumstances might occur to render it expedient for him to go still farther, and the administration boldly reserved to themselves the privilege of sending him and his army wherever they pleased. The Mexican Minister very naturally remonstrated against the invasion of Mexican territory by the American army. Mr. Forsyth very coolly replied (May 10th), "that to protect Mexico from American Indians, and to protect our frontiers from Mexican Indians, our troops might, if necessary, be sent into the heart of Mexico."

It would seem that neither General McComb, the Commander-in-Chief of the army, nor the Governor of Louisiana, had been admitted into the secrets of the Cabinet. On the 26th of April, the former addressed a letter to the Secretary of War, from New Orleans, informing him that the Governor insists that it is unnecessary 66 'to send to the frontiers of the State any troops, as the country was not invaded, nor likely in his opinion to be invaded ; and further, he was impressed with the belief, that it was a scheme of those interested in the Texan speculations, who had been instrumental in making General Gaines believe that the Mexican authorities were tampering with the Indians within our boundaries; and at the same time exciting, by false representations here, the sympathies of the people in favor of the Texans, with a view of inducing the authorities of the United States to lend their aid in raising in this city a force composed of interested persons, who should move to the Texan frontier under the call of General Gaines, and afterwards, under false pretensions, actually march into Texas, and take part in the war now

waging between the Texans and the Government of Mexico; and all this at the expense of the United States, and consequently with the implied sanction of the Government."

This letter affords an amusing instance of the simplicity of the commanding General, who supposed he was giving information to the Government when detailing the natural and intended consequences of its own measures. The General did not know what is proved by official documents, that the device of placing an army on the frontiers of Texas originated with the Cabinet, and not with Gaines. The troops, in obedience to orders from Washington, marched into Texas, and took a position at Nacogdoches. Immediately, Houston, the Texan President, issued his proclamation, pretending that the Indians were about to attack Nacogdoches, and calling on the militia "to sustain the United States troops at this place," and to report themselves to the United States Commander. The object of the proclamation was two-fold, first, to impress both Texans and Mexicans with the military aid to be granted the former by the United States, and secondly, to array, as soon as possible, the Texan militia, under the American General.

An American officer at Nacogdoches, indignant at the perfidious conduct of the Government, thus gave vent to his indignation in a letter published at the time in the Army and Navy Chronicle. Speaking of the object of taking their prescnt position, he remarked, "It is to create the impression in Texas and Mexico, that the Government of the United States takes a part in the controversy. It is in fact lending to the cause of Texas all the aid which it can derive from the countenance and apparent support of the United States, besides placing our troops in a situation to take an active part in aid of the Texans, in case a reverse of their affairs should render aid necessary.”

One of the practical results of sending troops into Texas is given in the following extract from the Pensacola Gazette:-" About the middle of last month, General Gaines sent an officer of the United States army into Texas, to reclaim some deserters. He found them already enlisted in the Texan service, to the number of TWO HUNDRED. They still wore the uniform of our army, but refused, of course, to return. This is a new view of our Texan relations."

When our troops were no longer needed in Texas, they were withdrawn, and sent to fight the Seminoles in Florida. General Gaines now issued a proclamation, offering a full pardon to those who had "absented themselves from their regiments," provided they returned by a certain day. As these absentees, commonly called deserters, had been serving the cause of slavery in Texas, the mercy of the General was cordially extended to them.

When the Government thus evinced its sympathy for Texas, and sent its army among the insurgents to countenance, and, if necessary, protect them, it could not be expected that the partisans of Texas in the United States, would be very regardful of the laws of neutrality. A few extracts from the journals of that day will show the publicity with which the people of the United States made war upon a friendly power :

"WHO WILL GO TO TEXAS? Major J. W. Harvey of Lincolnton, has been authorized by me, with the consent of Major-General Hunt, an agent in the western counties of North Carolina, to receive and enrol volunteer emigrants to Texas, and will conduct such as may wish to emigrate to that Republic, about the 1st October next, at the expense of the Republic of Texas.

"J. P. HENDERSON,

"Brig.-Gen. of the Texan Army."