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being that the Essenes could not have been contemporary with the great moral teacher (in fact, the revolutionary teacher) of their own century, without seeking Him, or His seeking them—we may suppose the Jew taking his stand plausibly enough on a primal alienation of the Essenes, through incongruities of social habits, such (let us suppose, by way of illustration) as would naturally repel Quakers or Moravians in our own day from any great moral teacher wearing a brilliant exterior, and familiar with courts and princes. Such an estrangement would be matter of regret to all the wise and liberal even of those two sects, but it would be natural; and it would sufficiently explain the non-intercourse objected, without any call for resorting to the plea of anachronism, as the true bar of separation.

Answer: -It is true that any deep schism in social habits would tend to divide the two parties the great moral teacher on the one side, from the great monastic fraternity on the other, that stood aloof from the world, and the temptations of the world. Pro tanto, such a schism would pull in that direction; though I am of opinion that the least magnanimous of dissenting bodies would allow a transcendent weight (adequate to the crushing of any conceivable resistance) to the conspicuous originality and searching pathos of Christ's moral doctrine. Four great cases, or memorable cartoons, in the series of Christ's doctrinal "shows" (to borrow the Eleusinian term), in 1839-40, powerfully affected the Mahometan Affghan Sirdars, namely, 1, the model

of prayer which he first and last, among all teachers, left as a guiding legacy to infinite generations; 2, the model of purity which he raised aloft in the little infant suddenly made the centre of his moral system as the normal form of innocence and simplicity of heart; 3, the Sermon on the Mount, which, by one sudden illumination, opened a new world in man's secret heart; 4, the translation of moral tests from the old and gross one of palpable acts to thoughts, and the most aerial of purposes, as laid down in the passage, "He that looketh upon a woman," &c. These four revelations of the Christian Founder being once reported to the pretended monastic body, must have caught the affections, and have prompted an insurmountable craving for personal intercourse with such a "Prophet; " that is, in the Hebrew sense of Prophet, such a revealer out of darkness. In Affghanistan, amongst blind, prejudiced, sometimes fanatical, Mahometans, these extraordinary moral revelations had power deeply to shake and move; could they have had less in Judea? But, finally, suppose they had, and that an ascetic brotherhood refused all intercourse with a teacher not ascetic, so much the more zealously would they have courted such intercourse with a teacher memorably and in an ultimate degree ascetic. Such a teacher was John the Baptist. Here, then, stands the case: in an age which Josephus would have us believe to have been the flourishing age of the Essenes, there arise two great revolutionary powers, who are also great teachers and legislators in the world of ethics. The

first, by a short space of time, was the Baptist; * the second was Christ. The one was uniquely ascetic, declining not only the luxuries, but the slenderest physical appliances against the wrath of the elements, or the changes of the seasons. The other described himself as one who came eating and drinking, in conformity to the common usages of men. With neither of these great authorities is there any record of the Essenes having had the most trivial intercourse. Is that reconcilable with their alleged existence on a large scale in an age of deep agitation and fervent inquiry?

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* That John the Baptist was a moral teacher, as well as a herald of coming changes, may be inferred from the fact (noticed by the Evangelists), that the military body applied to him for moral instruction, which appeal must have grown out of the gen-eral invitation to do so involved in the ordinary course of his: ministrations, and in the terms of his public preaching. In what sense he was to be held the harbinger of Christ, over and above his avowed mission for announcing the fast approaching advent of the Messiah, I have elsewhere suggested, in a short comment on the word uɛtarota; which word, as I contend, cannot properly' be translated repentance; for it would have been pure cant to suppose that age, or any age, as more under a summons to repentance than any other assignable. I understand by ustavoiaa revolution of thought a great intellectual change-in the accepting a new centre for all moral truth from Christ; which centre it was that subsequently caused all the offence of Christianity to the Roman people.

AELIUS LAMIA.*

FOR a period of centuries there has existed an enigma, dark and insoluble as that of the Sphinx, in the text of Suetonius. Isaac Casaubon, as modest as he was learned, had vainly besieged it; then, in a mood of revolting arrogance, Joseph Scaliger; Ernesti; Gronovius; many others; and all without a gleam of success. Had the tread-mill been awarded (as might have been wished) to failure of attempts at solution, under the construction of having traded in false hopes-in smoke-selling, as the Roman law entitled it one and all of these big-wigs must have mounted that aspiring machine of Tantalus, nolentes volentes.

* In this case I acknowledge no shadow of doubt. I have a list of conjectural decipherings applied by classical doctors to desperate lesions and abscesses in the text of famous classic authors; and I am really ashamed to say that my own emendation stands facile princeps among them all. I must repeat, however, that this preeminence is only that of luck; and I must remind the critic, that, in judging of this case, he must not do as one writer did on the first publication of this little paper namely, entirely lose sight of the main incident in the legend of Orpheus and Eurydice. Never perhaps on this earth was so threatening a whisper, a whisper so portentously significant, uttered between man and man in a single word, as in that secret suggestion of an Orpheutic voice where a wife was concerned.

The passage in Suetonius which so excruciatingly (but so unprofitably) has tormented the wits of such scholars as have sat in judgment upon it through a, period of three hundred and fifty years, arises in the tenth section of his Domitian. That prince, it seems, had displayed in his outset considerable promise of moral excellence; in particular, neither rapacity nor. cruelty was then apparently any feature in his char-acter. Both qualities, however, found a pretty large and early development in his advancing career, but cruelty the largest and earliest. By way of illustration, Suetonius rehearses a list of distinguished men, clothed with senatorian or even consular rank, whona he had put to death upon allegations the most frivolous; amongst them, Aelius Lamia, a noblemanı whose wife he had torn from him by open and in-sulting violence. It may be as well to cite the exact words of Suetonius: * "Aelium Lamiam (interemit) ob suspiciosos quidem, verum et veteres et in-noxios jocos; quòd post abductam uxorem laudanti. vocem suam suam dixerat, Heu taceo; quòdque Tito hortanti se ad alterum matrimonium, responderat μὴ γαμῆσαι θέλεις;” μǹ xai où jaμñoaι Others; "— Anglicè, Aelius Lamia he put to death on account of certain jests; jests

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*The original Latin seems singularly careless. Every (ever though inattentive) reader says - Innoxios, harmless? But if these jests were harmless, how could he call them suspiciosos, calculated to rouse suspicion? The way to justify the drift of Suetonius in reconcilement with his precise words is thus account of certain repartees which undeniably had borne a sense justifying some uneasiness and jealousy at the time of utterance, but which the event had shown to be practically harmless, whatever had been the intention, and which were now obsolete.

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