counted amongst the vulgar as a combat or trial of right. The King towards the end of this summer, having put his forces, wherewith he meant to invade France, in readiness, but so as they were not yet met or mustered together, sent Urswick, now made his almoner, and Sir John Risley, to Maximilian, to let him know that he was in arms, ready to pass the seas into France, and did but expect to hear from him, when and where he did appoint to join with him, according to his promise made unto him by Countebalt his ambassador.

The English ambassadors having repaired to Maximilian, did find his power and promise at a very great distance; he being utterly unprovided of men, money, and arms, for any such enterprise. For Maximilian, having neither wing to fly on, for that his patrimony of Austria was not in his hands, his father being then living, and on the other side, his matrimonial territories of Flanders being partly in dowry to his motherin-law, and partly not serviceable, in respect of the late rebellions; was thereby destitute of means to enter into war. The ambassadors saw this well, but wisely thought fit to advertise the King thereof, rather than to return themselves, till the King's farther pleasure were known: the rather, for that Maximilian himself spake as great as ever he did before, and entertained them with dilatory answers: so as the formal part of their ambassage might well warrant and require their farther stay. The King hereupon, who doubted as much before, and saw through his business from the beginning, wrote back to the ambassadors, commending their discretion in not returning, and willing them to keep the state wherein they found Maximilian as a secret, till they heard farther from him and meanwhile went on with his voyage royal for France, suppressing for a time this advertisement touching Maximilian's poverty and disability.

By this time was drawn together a great and puissant army into the city of London; in which were Thomas marquis Dorset, Thomas earl of Arundel, Thomas earl of Derby, George earl of Shrewsbury, Edmond earl of

son.

Suffolk, Edward earl of Devonshire, George earl of Kent, the earl of Essex, Thomas earl of Ormond, with a great number of barons, knights, and principal gentlemen; and amongst them Richard Thomas, much noted for the brave troops that he brought out of Wales. The army rising in the whole to the number of five and twenty thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse; over which the King, constant in his accustomed trust and employment, made Jasper duke of Bedford, and John earl of Oxford, generals under his own perThe ninth of September, in the eighth year of his reign, he departed from Greenwich towards the sea; all men wondering that he took that season, being so near winter, to begin the war; and some thereupon gathering, it was a sign that the war would not be long. Nevertheless the King gave out the contrary, thus: "That he intending not to make a summer business "of it, but a resolute war, without term prefixed, until "he had recovered France; it skilled not much when "he began it, especially having Calais at his back, "where he might winter, if the season of the war so "required." The sixth of October he embarked at Sandwich; and the same day took land at Calais, which was the rendezvous, where all his forces were assigned to meet. But in this his journey towards the sea-side, wherein, for the cause that we shall now speak of, he hovered so much the longer, he had received letters from the lord Cordes, who the hotter he was against the English in time of war, had the more credit in a negotiation of peace; and besides was held a man open and of good faith. In which letters there was made an overture of peace from the French King, with such conditions as were somewhat to the King's taste; but this was carried at the first with wonderful secrecy. The King was no sooner come to Calais, but the calm winds of peace began to blow. For first, the English ambassadors returned out of Flanders from Maximilian, and certified the King, that he was not to hope for any aid from Maximilian, for that he was altogether unprovided, His will was good, but he lacked money. And this was made known and spread through the

army. And although the English were therewithal nothing dismayed, and that it be the manner of soldiers upon bad news to speak the more bravely; yet nevertheless it was a kind of preparative to a peace. Instantly in the neck of this, as the King had laid it, came news that Ferdinando and Isabella, Kings of Spain, had concluded a peace with King Charles; and that Charles had restored unto them the counties of Russignon and Perpignian, which formerly were mortgaged by John King of Arragon, Ferdinando's father, unto France for three hundred thousand crowns: which debt was also upon this peace by Charles clearly released. This came also handsomely to put on the peace; both because so potent a confederate was fallen off, and because it was a fair example of a peace bought; so as the King should not be the sole merchant in this peace. Upon these airs of peace, the King was content that the bishop of Exeter, and the lord D'Aubigny, governor of Calais, should give a meeting unto the lord Cordes, for the treaty of a peace. But himself nevertheless and his army, the fifteenth of October, removed from Calais, and in four days march sat him down before Boloign.

During this siege of Boloign, which continued near a month, there passed no memorable action, nor accident of war; only Sir John Savage, a valiant captain, was slain, riding about the walls of the town, to take a view. The town was both well fortified and well manned; yet it was distressed, and ready for an assault. Which, if it had been given, as was thought, would have cost much blood; but yet the town would have been carried in the end. Mean while a peace was concluded by the commissioners, to continue for both the Kings lives. Where there was no article of importance; being in effect rather a bargain than a treaty. For all things remained as they were, save that there should be paid to the King seven hundred forty-five thousand ducats in present, for his charges in that journey; and five and twenty thousand crowns yearly, for his charges sustained in the aids of the Britons. For which annual, though he had Maximilian bound before for those

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charges; yet he counted the alteration of the hand as much as the principal debt. And besides, it was left somewhat indefinitely when it should determine or expire; which made the English esteem it as a tribute carried under fair terms. And the truth is, it was paid both to the King and to his son King Henry the eighth, longer than it could continue upon any computation of charges. There was also assigned by the French King, unto all the King's principal counsellors, great pensions, besides rich gifts for the present. Which whether the King did permit, to save his own purse from rewards, or to communicate the envy of a business, that was displeasing to his people, was diversly interpreted. For certainly the King had no great fancy to own this peace. And therefore a little before it was concluded, he had under-hand procured some of his best captains and men of war to advise him to a peace, under their hands, in an earnest manner, in the nature of a supplication. But the truth is, this peace was welcome to both Kings. To Charles, for that it assured unto him the possession of Britain, and freed the enterprise of Naples. To Henry, for that it filled his coffers; and that he foresaw at that time a storm of inward troubles coming upon him, which presently after brake forth. But it gave no less discontent to the nobility and principal persons of the army, who had many of them sold or engaged their estates upon the hopes of the war. They stuck not to say, "That the King cared not to plume his nobility and people, to feather himself." And some made themselves merry with that the King had said in parliament; "That after the war was "once begun, he doubted not but to make it pay it"self;" saying, he had kept promise.

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Having risen from Boloign, he went to Calais, where he stayed some time. From whence also he wrote letters, which was a courtesy that he sometimes used, to the mayor of London, and the aldermen his brethren; half bragging what great sums he had obtained for the peace; knowing well that full coffers of the King is ever good news to London. And better news it would

have been, if their benevolence had been but a loan. And upon the seventeenth of December following he returned to Westminster, where he kept his Christmas.

Soon after the King's return, he sent the order of the garter to Alphonso duke of Calabria, eldest son to Ferdinando King of Naples. An honour sought by that Prince to hold him up in the eyes of the Italians; who expecting the arms of Charles, made great account of the amity of England for a bridle to France. It was received by Alphonso with all the ceremony and pomp that could be devised, as things use to be carried that are intended for opinion. It was sent by Urswick; upon whom the King bestowed this ambassage to help him after many dry employments.

At this time the King began again to be haunted with spirits, by the magic and curious arts of the lady Margaret; who raised up the ghost of Richard duke of York, second son to King Edward the fourth, to walk and vex the King. This was a finer counterfeit stone than Lambert Simnel; better done, and worn upon greater hands; being graced after with the wearing of a King of France, and a King of Scotland, not of a duchess of Burgundy only. And for Simnel, there was not much in him, more than that he was a handsome boy, and did not shame his robes. But this youth, of whom we are now to speak, was such a mercurial, as the like hath seldom been known; and could make his own part, if at any time he chanced to be out. Wherefore this being one of the strangest examples of a personation, that ever was in elder or later times; it deserveth to be discovered, and related at the full. Although the King's manner of shewing things by pieces, and by dark lights, hath so muffled it, that it hath left it almost as a mystery to this day.

The lady Margaret, whom the King's friends called Juno, because she was to him as Juno was to Æneas, stirring both heaven and hell to do him mischief, for a foundation of her particular practices against him, did continually, by all means possible, nourish, maintain, and divulge the flying opinion, that Richard duke of York, second son to Edward the fourth, was not mur