CHAPTER V.

THE EARLY REPUBLIC.

The republic, newly organized under a strong centralized government, had need of clear-sighted, public-spirited men. Not only was it necessary to put the new machinery for federal administration into operation, but in each state reconstruction was required to meet the provisions of the federal constitution. States had hitherto regulated their own trade, levied import and export duties, coined money, and performed many of the functions surrendered now to the United States government. Bitter opposition was encountered when the new government assumed the old Continental indebtedness, together with the various state debts. Many felt that the

obligation had been incurred by a government no longer existing, and that to saddle the new republic with such a heavy load was to place it at once in jeopardy. On the other hand, there were not lacking able financiers and men with a deep sense of responsibility who saw instantly that if our nation were to gain standing abroad it must discharge every legitimate claim against it, and that if, taking advantage of a discarded form of government, such claims were dishonored, European powers would have no assurance whatever that loans they might be asked to make in the future would be paid.

A site for the capital was secured, convenient and central for the states then making up the Union. It was not possible at that time to foresee a day when men would have to journey 3,000 miles and more through that republic in order to reach the District of Columbia.

Washington was a man of dignified and courtly manners and he imparted to the presidency a certain reserve and charm that gained for it respect in an age when conditions at best were primitive in a world still new. Many of the sensible rules he laid down have never been changed, such, for example, as that the President receives calls, but does not pay them; that he extends invitations, but does not accept them; that he must be approached by foreign representatives,

not directly, but through the Department of State. Kindly and courteous to all, deeply impressed with the consciousness that he was but serving the people, none have ever borne themselves with greater fortitude and patience than Washington, the Father of our Country. He wrote: "I walk upon untrodden ground. There is scarcely an action the motive of which may not be subjected to a double interpretation. There is scarcely any part of my conduct which cannot hereafter be drawn into precedent."

As it was, Jefferson and his followers, who had caught the spirit of equality which was being over-accentuated by the French during this age of revolution, accused Washington of introducing aristocratic manners into democratic America. They criticised the justices of the Supreme Court for wearing robes. They clamored for the maintenance of all institutions, political and social, on a common level. The Teutonic peoples are not capable of going to the extremes reached occasionally by the Latin peoples. In America this expression was but a faint demonstration of that feeling which in France went to the length of declaring the title "Citizen" too distinguishing, and suggesting that "Biped" be substituted.

There was another view of the case, not to be ignored. Just as the Romans of early days were ready to kill as a traitor any who should wish a king to again rule over them, so in the United States, having withdrawn from the kingdom of England, the people generally were determined to eliminate everything suggestive of royalty. After a few years the fear died out in America because there was nothing to keep it alive.

When Washington's first term expired the country turned to him as unanimously as it had at first. However, political parties were coming to be fairly well defined. Those who approved of the administration were called Federalists. John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, Robert Morris, and others of prominence were of this party. Those who disapproved of the administration were called Anti-Federalists, or Republicans. Thomas Jefferson was their leader. James Madison and Edmund Randolph were also found among them. These men disapproved of the salaries voted by Congress for various

governmental officials; they did not believe that the United States should assume the state debts, and they disliked the "aristocratic" bearing of the President, his Secretaries and other officials.

One of the hardest problems with which Washington had to cope during his second term was that of preventing the country from taking sides in the French Revolution. As a young republic, it was natural that we should feel much sympathy with another nation which was trying to throw off the oppression of monarchical government. France had aided us somewhat in the Revolutionary war-less from a desire to help us than a hope of injuring Great Britain. It was now expected that we would be ready to repay our obligations. However, the situation of the United States was still precarious. She had won slight recognition abroad and at home her government was not yet firmly established. English troops were still stationed along the western frontier, waiting for developments. Were the United States to declare for France, war with England would be inevitable and none could foresee the issue. Our indebtedness was already too great to make it in the least prudent to embark upon such an uncertain course.

Popular feeling is always hard to withstand. Washington saw clearly that the United States must remain neutral. Even Jefferson realized this necessity. Nevertheless, when Genet landed upon our shores and enlisted popular sympathy for the French republic, prudence was cast to the winds and Jefferson, who loved the French nation, found himself carried along with the tide. These were trying days for the President. Popular sentiment condemned his attitude and he was grossly maligned. Having offered his life freely in the service of his country, he found it hard to bear the censure now heaped upon him. Jay was sent to England to make a treaty, and while he did the best he could, the result was far from satisfactory. That we should make a treaty of friendship with England at this time gave deep offense to France.

Declining to serve a third term, Washington delivered his Farewell Address and retired to his home at Mount Vernon, while John Adams became our second president. A war with France seemed inevitable, but the coup d'état of Napoleon reversed conditions there.

The Alien and Sedition laws, soon passed by the Federalists, who predominated in Congress, brought their party into odium. The first of these laws provided that foreigners must live here fourteen years before they could become citizens and also gave the President power to send out of the country any foreigner whom he deemed dangerous to the peace of the United States. The second law provided for the punishment of any who wrote, spoke, or printed anything that defamed the government or its officials.

An early Amendment to the Constitution had established free speech in our country, and this Sedition Act appeared to threaten it, particularly as Adams vigorously enforced the new law. Because of these two laws, the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions were passed by the legislatures of the two states. While not in themselves important, they were the first links in a long chain of statecraft, which finally endangered the whole country and led on to civil war. For that reason it will be helpful to grasp at once their significance. The Kentucky Resolutions, passed by the legislature of Kentucky, held that the Constitution of the United States was a compact whereby the various states had created a general government, conceding to it certain definite and clearly expressed powers, reserving to themselves all others, that each state, as party to this compact, had the right to judge for itself whether or not the general government usurped rights not accorded it and to declare unconstitutional powers exercised in excess of those granted. These Resolutions declared that the Alien and Sedition laws were unconstitutional, judged by this test, and hence "null and void." The Virginia Resolutions, while more delicately worded, held that in case of dangerous exercise of power by the federal government, the states had the right to interfere.

These Resolutions, together with the addition made by the Kentucky legislature in 1799 "that nullification (by the states) of all unauthorized acts done under color of the constitution is the rightful remedy," sufficiently explain the doctrine of States Rights and Nullification. The clear mind of John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, so logical in all but his first premise, was to later give additional fire and force to the argument, but immediately many saw danger ahead. They

knew the Federalist party had gone too far and were glad to have the objectionable laws forgotten.

Jefferson's administration is remembered for two events, prominent in our history. The first was the war waged against Great Britain for a free and unhampered commerce. With an unwarrantable boldness, she was impressing our seamen on the ground that "once an Englishman, always an Englishman," and was searching our vessels under the pretext of suspecting they carried contraband goods. The conditions became intolerable, and unprepared as we were for the exigencies of war, it became impossible to avoid it. Fighting on land was disastrous; in 1814 the eastern coast was blockaded and marching to Washington the British burned the Capitol and other public buildings. However, the victories of Perry and Lawrence on the seas did much to win us the respect of our adversaries. Strange to say, when peace was signed in December, 1814, nothing was said about those matters for which the nations had gone to war. Nevertheless, our commerce was no longer molested.

The second event of importance-far more significant for the future than this short war-was the purchase of Louisiana in 1803. Spain by a secret treaty had ceded Louisiana to France in 1800. In 1803 it became known that Napoleon was about to send an army thither to take possession of the Mississippi and close it to American commerce. This was not to be thought of and Monroe was sent to France to secure what territory and rights he could. Then it became known, to the surprise of all, that Napoleon, needing funds, would sell the entire territory. Although many objected to the purchase, it was finally made for $15,000,000. Inestimable advantage was thereby given to the United States. The territory was indefinite and none had any clear idea of its magnitude. Several entire states and portions of others have been blocked out of this wide-reaching land.

After the war of 1812, attention turned from the east to the west. Immediately after the Revolutionary war, migration across the mountains began. Once started it has never ceased. "To the West," the cry has been for generations. At first "the West" meant Kentucky and Tennessee, then Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. Farther and farther have the streams