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gratulations showered on him, caught up a wine-glass from the breakfast-table, and, appearing at the window, announced in a loud voice that he drank to the «King of Rome,» a title reserved under the Holy Roman Empire for the heir apparent. It was but a short time since Schwarzenberg's proud master had renounced his proudest designation, that of Roman emperor. The crowd knew that the toast was intended for Napoleon's issue, their quick perception caught the full significance of the act and they burst into cheers at this new sign of Austrian amity.



MUCH had already been done to consolidate Napoleonic empire. The Papal States had been divided into two French departments; Rome was to be the second capital of the new dynasty; the Pope, with four million francs a year at his disposal, was to reside by rotation in each of his several palaces in as many different cities, on condition that he and his successors would swear never to contravene the judgments of the Gallican Church. At first Pius VII. had inducted the bishops nominated by Napoleon; after his captivity he refused; for the moment the appointees were installed as «vicars of the chapters.» To render the Church of Rome further subservient, the ecclesiastical courts had been transplanted to Paris, the thirty Roman episcopates had been reduced to four, and the convents throughout the papal dominion had been secularized. Elsewhere in Italy-in Piedmont, Liguria, Tuscany, Parma, and Placentia ---similar changes had been made in the interests of reform. The sums obtained from the confiscated ecclesiastical estates were enormous, and greatly strengthened French credit. Still, the policy was of doubtful value, for it shocked pious Romanists the world over to see the papacy reduced to insignificance.

Since Trafalgar it had been clear that France could not secure the mastery of the seas in naval warfare. Napoleon had sought during his wars in Spain and central Europe to ruin England by paper blockades and embargoes; he had seized all neutral vessels laden with English goods; he had adopted a system of commerce-destroying by armed cruisers; he had conquered the shores of the Mediterranean, the Atlantic, the North Sea, and the Baltic: and yet England's foreign commerce had since 1805 steadily increased in extent. Contrabandists, smugglers, and

neutral adventurers defied Napoleonic edicts, and found friends in every harbor, the chief offenders being the Dutch and Hanseatic cities. Napoleon's exasperation was extreme, for he recognized that it had now come to a life-and-death struggle between British orders in council and French decrees. It was apparently to repair and enforce his Continental system that he did not reënter the field against Wellington; for, weakening as was the «Spanish ulcer,» the drain by way of Amsterdam and Hamburg was far greater. A hundred thousand first-rate troops, together with the Imperial Guard, were destined for Spain; but his main efforts were to be exerted in the North, Davout being despatched to hold the coast fortresses from Dantzic westward, and Oudinot to coerce Holland. The lands taken from Austria were apportioned among the French allies, Bavaria, Italy, Würtemberg, and Baden; Dalberg received Ratisbon, Eugène took Frankfort, and Jerome accepted Hanover and Magdeburg. All the beneficiaries paid handsomely in cash for their acquisitions. South Germany was gradually evacuated, but a large number of the veterans marched to the German sea-coasts.

The fate in store for these districts, and for another strategic province, -the canton of Valais, - was incorporation with France. The Emperor intended to enforce the rigor of his game. In southern Europe men found substitutes in the products of their fertile soil for cotton, coffee, indigo, and colonial sugar; but the inclement North was not so productive, nor were its sons so patient and ingenious. Louis, Jerome, and Murat felt for their peoples, and winked at transgressions of Napoleon's laws. They were to do penance for their sins by the loss of their lands, either in whole or in part. Curiously enough, the two greatest smugglers were the French and English governments themselves. So fierce were the exigencies of French industry that for a large consideration Napoleon issued to certain favorites permits for exporting French staples, and importing the dye-stuffs and fish-oil essential to French industries. The English government sold licenses to trade, which granted to the purchasers immunity from search when laden with wares for or from English ports. These were sold both to real and to sham neutrals alike, until the practice of carrying « simulated,» otherwise forged, papers became extensive enough to debauch public morality. The traffic was inordinately profitable, and many otherwise reputable merchants-and after the removal of the non-intercourse restric

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tions there were Americans among the number-compounded morality with legality, furnishing simulated papers» to their ships as part of their regular outfit. This continued even after Napoleon gave his undivided attention to policing harbors and guarding the coast-lines of the North Sea and the Baltic. In the treaty of September 17, 1809, between Russia and Sweden, the latter country, in

addition to the cession of Finland, promised to exclude all British ships from her harbors except such as brought salt and colonial wares; in 1810 she promised Napoleon to import nothing but salt, and he agreed to hand back Pomerania. Such were the absurdities of a fight between two combatants one of which had no hands and the other no feet.

Austria having been added, by his marriage,

to Napoleon's system, he was ready in June to open his novel campaign, and begin the commercial warfare which eventually furnished one of the most important elements in his overthrow, the other two being the national uprisings and the treachery of his friends, so called. But the zenith had not even yet been reached by his star. With undimmed sagacity and undiminished power he set out with his bride, about the end of April, to visit the Dutch frontier, and observe how far Holland's well-nigh open contempt for his cherished scheme would now justify the destruction of her autonomy and the utter overthrow of her government. The nominal object of the journey was to please the young Empress, and togratify the peoples of Belgium and Brabant by a sight of her charms. This aim was observed in all the arrangements, but in well-nigh every town visited the sun's first rays saw the Emperor on horseback inspecting troops, ships, fortifications, and arsenals; and when its last beams faded away the unwearied man was still holding interviews with the local authorities, in which every detail of administration was revised and strengthened. To all appearance the end of the journey was as prosperous as its inception. Favors were

distributed with lavish hand, the people displayed a wild enthusiasm when the courteous but distant Empress showed herself, and nothing occurred to mar the outward state in which the Emperor returned to Paris. But the condition of his mind cannot be depicted, such was his rage and humiliation in regard to a revelation of treachery made inadvertently and innocently by Louis on the eve of their separation. To explain what had occurred a short retrospect is necessary.

From earliest childhood certain qualities of Louis had endeared him to Napoleon. The school of poverty, in which the younger brother had been the pupil of the elder, was likewise a school of fraternal affection. Throughout the Italian and Egyptian campaigns they stood in intimate relations as general and aide-de-camp, and one of the earliest cares of the First Consul was to bestow the beautiful Hortense de Beauharnais on his favorite brother. In 1804 Louis was made general, then councilor of state, and finally in 1806 he was elevated to the throne of Holland. His child until its untimely death was cherished by Napoleon as a son destined to inherit imperial greatness. But, like the other royal Bonapartes, the King of Holland

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