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of the best minds of both races. These councils should be permanent bodies and should meet regularly for sustained study and treatment of the race problem in their respective cities. bodies could anticipate and discount the sort of crises that have hitherto broken upon cities as out of a clear sky as far as the rank and file of black and white citizens have been concerned. These councils should reckon at the outset with the fact that during the last three or four years multitudes of black men have come into absolutely new civic, social, and industrial environment. The sudden lifting of men out of the restraints of old relations into a new environment is always attended by danger. The negro has been released from repressive conditions in the South and transferred into an atmosphere of. freedom in Northern cities. If many have regarded liberty as license, it is no strange happening, and should be treated with sympathetic insight. Joint councils of white and black leaders would tend to introduce elements of sympathy and understanding into the situation. These councils should undertake exhaustive surveys of their local conditions and draw up a municipal program for better housing, sanitary, and living conditions for their colored populations, programs for better recreation facilities, better educational advantages, better economic and industrial conditions, better traveling facilities. These councils should see to it that the negro has access to adequate legal aid and advice that will insure his getting a square deal in our courts.


side by side. The churches that minister to the colored populations of America should studiously avoid the highly emotional type of preaching frequently indulged in quently indulged in by those who preach to negroes. These great denominations should emphasize the ethical at the expense of the emotional. Every time a preacher plays recklessly upon the emotions of a negro audience he is further cultivating a racial weakness and defeating, or at least delaying, the ultimate ethical purpose of Christianity among our colored folk. The white denominations should carry out an extensive program, beyond anything yet undertaken, for the selection and education of negro preachers. The emotional type that displays an uncertain perception of ethical values should be ruthlessly weeded out. Better that colored districts be less churched for a while than that this type predominate. The negro negro clergyman's preparation should include a good industrial education as well as classical and theological instruction, so that he may be a leader of the total life of his people.

The churches that minister to the negro have a great responsibility and a great opportunity in this time of vexed race relations. Benjamin Brawley, in his "The Negro in Literature and Art," speaking of the negro's susceptibility to religious ecstasy, says that "the negro is thrilled not so much by the moral as by the artistic and pictorial elements in religion." In the average negro susceptibility to religious emotion and blindness to moral obligations may frequently be found


The question of the negro and the ballot is a matter we shall be forced to consider, and concerning which we must come to some common understanding. Most students of the problem are agreed that the adoption of the fifteenth amendment to our Constitution was a blunder. As John R. Commons wrote several years ago:

The very qualities of intelligence and manliness which are essential for citizenship in a democracy were systematically expunged from the negro race through two hundred years of slavery. And then, by the cataclysm of a war of emancipation in which it took no part, this race, after many thousand year of savagery and two centuries of slavery, was suddenly let loose into the liberty of citizenship and the electoral suffrage. The world never before had seen such a triumph of dogmatism and partisanship. It was dogmatism because a theory of abstract equality and inalienable rights of man took the place of education and the slow evolution of moral character.

It was partisanship because a political party, taking advantage of its triumph in civil war, sought to perpetuate itself through amendments to the constitution.

In those Southern States where the blacks outnumbered the whites the threat of black ascendancy was met by an actual nullification of the fifteenth amendment by intimidation, murder, ballot-box stuffing, and false counting. This is frankly admitted. The negro vote virtually disappeared in many regions. Then the white ascendancy that had been regained by force was fortified by legal enactments. Educational tests were introduced and interpreted in a manner that would enable the most illiterate white man to vote and prevent the negro regardless of his intelligence from voting. The "grandfather" and "understanding" clauses were other legal quibbles used to defeat the fifteenth amendment, counting out the negro without technically discriminating against him on grounds of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. The negro is to-day clamoring with renewed vigor for the unrestricted right of suffrage. What are we to do about it? Shall we take as our platform the conception that "the cost of liberty is less than the price of repression" and attempt by federal action to sweep away every state restriction upon the negro ballot? Or shall we honestly accept as our platform the principle that "the suffrage must be earned, and not merely conferred, if it is to be an instrument of self-protection" and start over again the education of the negro for citizenship, making that education contribute toward that mastery of tools and industrial processes, that selfcontrol, and that coöperative capacity which must underlie an intelligent use of the privileges of citizenship? white men have no moral right to adopt educational tests for negro suffrage unless we make a genuine effort to equip every negro in the United States to pass those tests.

It is the height of folly, however, to criticize the white men of the South for their circumvention of the fifteenth amendment. Any man of us placed in the same position would have done like

wise. As in so many cases, unwise legislation made inevitable practices that were in the abstract unjust and even criminal. Until the negro as a race is equipped to use wisely the suffrage, white men will, wherever there are large colored populations, find ways to circumvent any legislative enactment granting unrestricted suffrage to all negroes. The way out lies through the frank acceptance of this fact and a sustained coöperative effort by the leaders of both races to equip the negro for a wise and safe use of the ballot.


So far as I know, history records but three results when inferior and superor races have lived together in the same country: (1) Amalgamation; (2) Slavery; (3) Extinction. Is America shut up to a choice of one of these three? Who dares propose the first? Even though race prejudice did not stand in the way, biology lifts its warning finger. When an inferior and superior race inter-breed, the inferior pulls the superior down to its level. The quality of the race, like water, seeks the lowest level in the process of amalgamation. We fought a civil war in vindication of the negro's right to emancipation from physical slavery. We are taking the first steps toward his industrial freedom. Let us hope that we can put through an educational program that will mean an end to his political servitude. And the third outcome small we permit congestion, disease, vice, and lynching to kill off the race in America?

It is true, as I stated earlier, that there is no royal, easy, and quick solution to this race problem. As in the practice of medicine, our best effort will be the removal of every artificial and unjust restriction that impedes the evolution of the race, so that the biological and educational forces of our civilization may do their just and perfect work. White men must abjure the picturesque charlatanry of a Vardaman as the black folk must reject the poetic frenzy of a Du Bois, and join in the effort to write a new chapter in anthropology.

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"My grandfather rode to his shop in a buggy. He wore a Prince Albert coat and a high hat. . . . During the noon-hour he went out into the yard with his men, sat on a pile of pig-iron, and ate his dinner out of a tin dinner-pail just like the rest. .. Capital and labor in that plant came together around a tin dinner-pail.'

T is a step in industrial evolution, and I am confident it will make for permanent satisfaction."

These are the words of Henry C. Osborn, president of the American Multigraph Company, Cleveland, Ohio. His company recently instituted a plan of self-government in the plant by which the employees have been given a voice and vote in deciding many details pertaining to the conditions under which they work and in making suggestions for the general improvement of factory operations. Mr. Osborn is a keen-looking man of the younger generation of industrial executives. He continued:

"Industry simply cannot endure if there is to be constant irritation and discontent among the workers. Without attempting to dictate to others, I shall tell you what we are trying to do to solve our own problems. Our force ranges from a thousand to twenty-three hundred. It it not a large factory, but it has gone beyond the small-shop stage in which the men can meet their employer face to face, and talk over and adjust issues as they arise. For a long time the men in one department in our factory did not know their relation to

other departments. They did not understand the interdependence of the various parts.

"Our first idea is to give everybody in the concern an all-around view of the business. We want the man at the bench to get our point of view and we want to get his point of view. With that idea in mind we decided to let them govern themselves. They like it, and so do we. Through the congress to which delegates are elected they take care of a great mass of details and differences that have heretofore burdened the foreman and heads of departments. The new responsibility has sobered the men. and made them think. Members of the congress know that their shopmates will hold them accountable for whatever they may do, and that there will be a quick reckoning if they are 'not on the level.' It is the best way in the world to transform a radical into a conservative.

"An incident occurred in this plant during the war which shows how important it is for the men to have an exact knowledge of an industry. It is not enough to give them the right to legislate. They must be given the facts about the entire business. In the instance I refer to one of the men out in

the shop had occasion to look over some papers in the front office in the course of his work, and among them he came across a cost-sheet. This sheet showed that we were charging the government twenty cents an hour more than we were paying the men for making fuses. Of course this chap thought he had made a great discovery, and he went about denouncing us as 'profiteers who were robbing labor.'

"Now, there were two ways to dispose of this trouble-maker. One was to discharge him, and the other was to educate him, and we decided to try the latter method first. Step by step we explained to him the mysteries of overhead expense. Finally we made him see that labor is only a part of the cost of making anything. We prepared a statement showing the factors of cost in turning out our product, such as material, supervision, spoiled work, light, heat, taxes, insurance, stenographers, bookkeepers, clerks, as well as labor. He had never seen it quite that way before. We won him over by giving him the whole truth, and now he is one of the most loyal men in the plant.

"Radical labor leaders and others who are causing trouble in industry are men with little education, but with more than average ability, who are dominated by wrong ideas derived from wrong or erroneous information. The only effective weapon to use in dealing with such men is to attack their wrong ideas with right ideas based on all the facts, just as we set the man right who thought we were robbing labor.

"It is alarming how many workingmen are being fed on half-truths about economics. Taking these half-truths as a premise, it is natural for them to reason to a wrong conclusion. Millions of pages of printed matter are circulated among wage-earners, and thousands of speeches are made each year based on the affirmation that labor produces all wealth; therefore labor should control all wealth. It is an alluring and a very dangerous doctrine, and should not be allowed to go unchallenged. Thousands of wage-earners, just like the man in our shop, are nursing resentment against employers because they

have been told that they are being 'robbed of the fruits of their toil,' and that they should rise and seize what rightly belongs to them. Bolshevism, sabotage, strikes, and other wild outbreaks among working-men can be traced right back to this false teaching.

"I believe in fighting these halftruths by giving the whole truth. It may sound like a joke to advocate the teaching of industrial economics to uneducated working-men, but that is part of our system, and I believe such teaching is just as necessary as to give them a voice and a vote in factory management.

"Ignorance and prejudice are the soil in which agitators sow the seed of discontent and revolution, and our chief weapon is to give the men complete information."

"Tell me what started you in this direction," I asked. "Was it the result of an expensive strike?"

"It is the outcome of long-continued thinking," was the reply. "My grandfather gave me the original idea, although he was not aware of it. He was the organizer of a rolling-mill, a Scotchman, and a close friend of Andrew Carnegie. Although he was very strict with his men, they liked him. That was something I could not understand until I talked with some of the men who had worked for him in their early days. That was when American industry was in its infancy. My grandfather rode to his shop in a buggy. He wore a Prince Albert coat and a high hat, as was the fashion in those days. It was said of him that whenever he was in bad humor he would set his hat on the back of his head, which was the signal that everybody must keep away from him. He was stern, but just, and if a man could not do a piece of work, my grandfather would pull off his coat and show him how. During the noon-hour he went out into the yard with his men, sat on a pile of pig-iron, and ate his dinner out of a tin dinner-pail just like the rest. While they ate together they exchanged views about the work in the shop. The men had a chance to express themselves, and they got information from headquarters on the spot. Capi

tal and labor in that plant came together around a dinner-pail.

"My purpose is to bring capital and labor together through our factory organization. We have established a method for quick action right up the line from the least employee to the president."

The method of giving instruction to the employees in this plant is one that could be adapted to any factory. It consists of moving-pictures visualizing manufacturing processes, lectures by experts on production problems, and lectures on the general aspects of industry and finance. The president of the concern gives the talks on industrial economics.

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No. 1-First step in founding an industry, symbolizing the fundamental idea and management. No. 2 Department for buying raw material, indicated by circle marked "RM. No. 3-Sales department, indicated by the circle marked "C" for customer. No. 4-Financial department, symbolized by the circle marked "F." No. 5- Production department, shown by the circle marked "L." No. 6-This drawing shows a present-day corporation, in which labor has no voice in the management. Mr. Osborn proposes to

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a plant to make the nails he must do several new things not necessary so long as he confines himself to shoeing horses, which is really a form of personal service. To make the nails he must have special machinery, a factory, material, labor, and a way of selling his product, all of which requires capital. Brown has a little money, but not enough. So he must borrow. He can do this by giving notes, taking in a partner, or forming a company and issuing bonds or selling stock. The moment a company is formed, directors are chosen by the stockholders to manage the business."

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give labor a voice and a vote through a factory organization. The outer circle in No. 6 represents the board of directors, with connecting line to the source of capital on the right. No. 7-This is an enlargement of the circle on the right of No. 6, representing the source of capital. In this chart "C" stands for credits at the bank or with the dealer in raw material; "B" for bonds; "N" for notes; "PS" for preferred stock-holders, and "CS" for common stock-holders.

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