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open and accept the challenge to "make pathizer, suggested that the sentence good” as an economic system. They should be duly engraved and forwarded are confident it cannot succeed, and that to the Republican National Committee. once Lenine is robbed of alibis, his prac- This is not set down as a malevolent tical failures will loosen his grip upon partizan thrust at any particular candithe Russian masses. They claim that date, but simply upon the impulse to the anti-peace party simply has a case of pass along the smile our impertinent nerves; that the chief difference between friend's suggestion evoked from us. the anti-peace party and themselves is The sentence does, however, suggest that those who oppose recognition of the wisdom of looking to the temper of Russia seem to be afraid Lenine is right mind as well as to the platform of a and might convince the world he is right, Presidential candidate. Long ago some to the dread destruction of the social one suggested that party platforms, like order in which they have such heavy street-car platforms, are used in getting stakes, while they, the pro-peace party aboard, but not for riding. In the very

, know that Lenine is wrong, and are nature of the case, party platforms sigwilling to dare him to prove to the world nify little. We do not expect a Presithat he is right.

dent to follow the platform upon which In between these two extreme parties he is elected. Theoretically we do; stands a group that was well interpreted actually we do not.

actually we do not. We know that in a recent cartoon. Standing outside platforms are deliberately designed to the door of a quarantined house, occu- catch votes, and that fundamental issues pied by a family afflicted with the dread that might divide the country are disease of Bolshevism, was an eager- avoided, regardless of their importance. looking gentleman with a basket marked By the very exigencies of party politics, “Trade.' The legend under the car- platforms are saturated with insincerity toon ran: "I'd like to go in if I thought -the insincerity that comes from avoidI would n't catch it.”

ing vital issues, rather than the insinThe news of the months to come will cerity of saying what is not meant. bring us the story of the practical appli- There are voters on both sides of the cation of one of these policies, perhaps fence, hence a party ambitious for power of each of them in succession. We shall tends to take its stand on both sides of have the privilege of seeing these politi- the fence. This opportunism of parties, cal theories subjected to practical test. with its by-product of insincerity, has

about obliterated any fundamental dis

tinction between the Republican and GIBBON ON THE 1920 CAMPAIGN

Democratic parties. About the only

difference is a difference in personal THE surprising timeliness of old books leadership from time to time. One of has been before commented upon in Mr. Hoover's friends has interpreted his these columns. The other evening, valuation of political parties in this while we were re-reading Gibbon's “De

country as follows: cline and Fall of the Roman Empire,”

Mr. Hoover . . . regards the two parties the following sentence leaped out of its

(Republican and Democratic] as nothing pages and bridged the gap between

more than names and political machines, and ancient history and modern politics:

considers that as matters now stand, and The temper of soldiers, habituated at once have stood for some time, they represent to violence and slavery, renders them very only organized aspiration to control the govunfit guardians of a legal, or even a civil, ernment. There is, he believes, no real constitution. Justice, humanity, or political difference between the two parties except in wisdom, are qualities they are too little ac- history; that no momentous issues separate quainted with in themselves to appreciate in

them; that no man really knows why he calls others.

himself a Republican or Democrat, beyond An impertinent and irreverent friend, the force of habit, sentimental tradition, and who did not realize that he was laying

the selfish associations of the conflict between himself open to suspicion as a Red sym- the "ins" and the "outs."

It may be bad politics to talk in this who, through organized effort, have been wise, but it is sound sense. Even the able to ease the burden. Envy has sincerest of men would find it difficult to resulted in imitation, so that we have follow to the letter any platform de- “Middle Classes' Unions” springing up signed at this time for the four years here and there throughout the world. ahead. In such fluid times, a man of It is a case of class consciousness among real Presidential caliber must of neces- the unclassified. sity change his mind from time to time One of the earliest manifestations of and thus court the charge of inconsist- this new class consciousness occurred in ency. We require a growing wisdom in Germany early in 1919, when the prothe White House, not the literal follow- fessional men of a North German town ing of a campaign blue-print. This brought an unexpected pressure to bear being the case, it is more important to upon the swaggering Spartacide workconsider the intellectual quality, the men by threatening a counter-strike. temper of mind, and the point of view of Even a revolutionist listens when his a Presidential candidate than to con- child is sick and the doctor threatens to cern ourselves with the party platform strike. This movement for organizaor even with the party of which the man tion among the “white-collars" or the is candidate.

"black-coats” or, to use a term gaining In fact, it might not be an unwise vogue in the London press, the "salexperiment in the 1920 campaign to ariate" appears in as widely separated eliminate platforms altogether, and let places as Germany, Japan, and South the candidates go to.the country, on the America. It has taken the most defistump and in the press, for a frank cross- nite form, however, in England. Early examination by the public. We should in 1919 there was organized in London like to see the Democratic and Repub- a "Middle Classes' Union," the purpose lican candidates for the Presidency make and character of which was plainly a joint tour of the main centers of pop- stated by its general secretary, Captain ulation of this country and, unhampered Stanley Abbott, in the following stateby opportunist platforms, submit them

ment: selves to the searching questions that plain men might put to them. Three The Middle Classes' Union is not conmonths of such honest debate, of heck- cerned with social distinctions or religious ling and answer, would show us the variations. What it is concerned with is the minds of the candidates in action and interests which exist between those of Capigive us a better basis for deciding our tal and those of Labor. In this sense the vote than we can ever find under the Middle Classes are the people with the Midcustomary campaign tactics. Men can- dle Interests. In political and economic not dissimulate and trim before an affairs there are three main sections; two of audience that has the right to talk back, them are the extremists, call them what you as they can in party platforms and set will, the Upper and the Lower, the Right and speeches. Why not try it?

the Left, the Monopolist and the Syndicalist. The third is the Middle Classes. It is for the

individual to determine whether he or she BUTT, BUFFER, AND BURDEN-BEARER comes within this section as a consumer,

as a taxpayer, as a law-maker. For some time now the press has carried Capital is organized for self-preservation. stories of the spread of the “Middle Labor is organized for self-advancement. Class Movement.” The movement rep- But in the operations as between these two resents the defensive gesture of that sections, the other, the unorganized Middle part of the public that cannot be classi- —the section which is the butt, the buffer, fied either as workmen or as capitalists, and the burden-bearer when Capital and that human no-man's land between Labor are contending-has no locus standi organized labor and organized capital. and no representation. Within this body The middle class, feeling the pinch of the are the brain workers—the commercial and high cost of living, has cast envious trading, the professional and administrative eyes at both workmen and capitalists, and managerial classes, and those whose in

a

come is derived from pensions or savings. fight out of what has been a two-sided Self-analysis should indicate one's place. fight, without coming nearer to a solu

The domestic or internal interests of a tion. The necessity for putting indusparticular profession or business may be try upon the basis of a parliament rather served by the profession or business societies; than a tournament has been repeatedly but, so far as general political and economic urged in these columns. Cannot the questions are concerned, those who constitute middle classes do something more statesthese bodies, together with the vast mass of manlike than the bringing of still other the middle classes who are not attached to or prize-ring tactics into the situation? identified with any such specialized organ

In the second place, there is always ization, are incapable, under present con- the possibility that as middle-class ditions, of any power of concerted action. organization becomes a reality it will be The Middle Classes' Union exists to weld captured by labor organization and simtogether these unorganized and unrepre

ply intensify the class conflict. What sented middle classes into a strong, practi- we need now is not an intensification of cal, coördinated entity for the protection of the class conflict, but a statesmanlike common interests. The very existence of a substitute for the class conflict. The representative and powerful organization first hint of an attempted coalition such as this will produce a moderating and between the proletariat and the “salstimulating influence in the political and ariate" comes to hand as this editorial is economic life of the nation.

being written. The English Labor

party has invited to a conference repreNow, it is inevitable that as the "sal- sentatives of such organizations as those ariate" finds itself less adjusted to rapid of engineering draftsmen, supervising rise of prices than either workmen or electricians, railway and shipping clerks, capitalists, there will be a tendency to colliery managers, journalists, actors, do the obvious thing—to organize as commercial travelers, and industrial labor has organized for concerted action. chemists, men of the salaried classes. The general attitude toward this mid

This is an attempt to gain for the Labor dle-class movement has been one of

party the support of those middle classes uncritical approval. It is worth while, who have been hardest hit by the war, therefore, to point out certain possibile having neither participated directly in ities in this movement that have received

war profits nor to any marked degree in little attention to date.

the increased wages and the bonuses of In the first plaoe, the middle-class war time. Such a coalition would give movement, broadly speaking, is an at- the Labor party a new source of leadertempt to adopt, for the sole remaining ship upon which it could draw in the unorganized part of humanity, the event of a Labor government's coming principles of concerted action and col

into power.

Such a coalition would lective bargaining just when these two imply a certain amount of give and take policies, necessary as they have been in between the wage-earning classes and the blind evolution of industrial rela- the salaried classes in the matter of a tions, are proving that they are no final program. Whether the result would be solutions to our difficulties. Competi- a conservatizing of the wage-earning tion between organized groups in the class or a radicalizing of the salaried economic field is an exact parallel of class is difficult to forecast. It is clear, the competition between nations that at any rate, that there are more combrought on the World War. The whole plicated possibilities in the middle-class sickening round of competing arma- movement than the first burst of uncritiments and periodic conflicts is trans- cal commendation suggested. ferred to the field of economics. Just when we are realizing the inadequacy of a fighting economy in industrial and

OIL FEVER international relations seems hardly the time to extend these practices to cover PREOCCUPIED with our new intellectual the whole of human society. We may interest in world politics, counting caresucceed only in making a three-cornered fully our ducats as we decide about credit

to Europe, listening to the appeals of tion on the Indian from McGuffey's Viennese hunger, trying to make up our Reader we have thought of the North minds whether to fear Lenine or to trade American Indian as a vanishing race, with him, our ears assailed by congres- and of late as a sort of Banquo's ghost sional debates and the clamor of candi- at our discussions of the new religion dates, we are hardly aware of the biggest of self-determination. Now, Mr. Cato oil boom in the history of the United Sells, United States Indian CommisStates. In less distracting times we sioner, submits a report that, by facts would recognize this development as and figures, explodes the myth of the exceeding the famous gold rushes to vanishing race. Here are some of the California in 1849 and to Alaska in 1897. deductions that may be drawn from his New oil companies are springing up as if report. by magic in Texas, Oklahoma, Cali- The Indian is not dying. Since 1890 fornia, Louisiana, and many other the number of Indians in the United States.

States has increased from 230,000 to The Foreign Press Service in a recent 350,000. These figures do not include release has presented an interesting sum- the Indian population of Alaska. mary of new capitalization and produc- The Indian is not crowded. True, tion in the oil industry. In 1916 the the Indian has lost the continent, but he capitalization of oil companies of $100,- used very little of it when he had it all 000 or more amounted to $419,746,000. to himself. The Indian reservations In 1917 the capitalization of new com- in the United States cover 60,000,000 panies alone raised this total by $840,- acres. Indians cultivate 700,000 acres 219,000. The summary does not men- of land. 176,000 Indians have individtion the increase in capitalization among ual land-holdings. In these 60,000,000 old companies. In 1918 the capitaliza- acres of out-of-doors the Indian plys his tion of new companies totaled $430,- trade as lumberman, farmer, cattleman, 480,600. Then came the astounding sheep-raiser, trapper, and fisherman. increase. During the first ten months of The Indian is not left in poverty. 1919 new oil companies of $100,000 or The annual rentals received by Indian more added a total capitalization of landlords from white tenants total $2,717,037,000. In other words, the $5,000,000. The Indian realizes from new capitalization in the oil companies land sales about $4,000,000 and from in 1919 was nearly seven times that of live-stock sales about $4,000,000 every the total capitalization in 1916. To-day year. His crops have an annual valuathe United States is producing four tion of about $11,000,000. He receives sevenths of the oil supply of the world. yearly $1,700,000 in interest on trust Behind these statistics lies a wealth of funds.

funds. During the last fiscal year he dramatic interests. In the oil com- has received $700,000 in indemnificamunities we shall doubtless see some tions and $20,000,000 from Indian measure of a renaissance of the frontier.

money, mineral royalties, and other We shall get at least a glimpse of the sources. The Indian owns about 250,gun-toting days of the Klondike, miti- 000 horses and mules, 250,000 cattle, gated of course by altered conditions, and 1,230,000 sheep and goats. The but enough of the fever and freedom of total value of Indian-owned live stock the old days will be in evidence to cause is estimated at $48,000,000. It is not a little reversion among certain gratifying to note that this represents a social types. But perhaps we are for- six-fold increase in a period of twenty getting what the magic wand of prohibi

years. The Indian's live-stock sales tion will effect. We wonder-will the seem to be wisely managed, so that the oil rush produce its Robert W. Service? flocks and herds are not depleted. The

timber on the Indian reservations is

valued at $363,000,000, the annual inA VANISHING RACE COMES BACK

come from timber netting the Indian

about $2,000,000. The total wealth of Will the day of surprises never end? the Indian is estimated at $700,000,000. From the time we first recited the ora- In 1890 the net annual income of

are

the Indian was $3,000,000; to-day it is that vast lands may better serve the $54,000,000. Not exactly a record of entire human race, the relations bepenury! The record would be more tween conqueror and conquered inevigratifying were this prosperity more tably give rise to injustices. Although evenly distributed among the tribes. these facts may present only the brighter Last year the Osage tribe received more side of the picture, we are glad there is than $10,000,000 in bonuses on oil and a bright side. natural gas leases and a handsome royalty on the oil and gas production, while a tribe of 1500 California Indians realized

THE GHOST OF BISMARCK only $48,000 for the entire year. But, then, inequality in wealth is not an ex- It was one of the interesting and astute clusively Indian problem. Fewer than features of the Bismarckian technic to 5000 able-bodied adult Indians defeat reform by annexing its salient and actually fed by the Government.

safe elements. He postponed the day of The Indian is not a soured soul sulking social reckoning in Germany by such over wrongs at the hands of a robber- tactics. He would calmly face a rising government. He is no Ishmael, with tide of social discontent, analyze the his hand against every man.

He shares program of the discontented, and put with the white man the sacrament of into prompt effect as many of its reform loyalty to the nation. The Indian in- proposals as he could consistently adopt vested $25,000,000 in the several Liberty without striking at the root of the existBond issues. That meant about $75 ing social and political order. This per capita. There were many white meant that from time to time he stole States that did not match this per-capita from the agitator those proposals that record of the reservations. Over 10,000 dealt with the more immediate and Indians served in the army; 2000 In- dramatic necessities that interested the dians enlisted in the navy. And to-day German masses, leaving the agitator decorations for distinguished heroism with only his theoretical appeal from can be seen, worn with the Indian's one sort of social order to another. This austere pride, on the reservations. meant that Bismarck could say, in

The Indian does not display a sullen effect, to the German people, “See how. immunity to the better things of white much more quickly and effectively the civilization. The legend of inadaptabil- Hohenzollern government can get for ity is slowly breaking down. Out of you the desires of your hearts than can 84,000 Indian children eligible for school, your irresponsible agitators.” 61,000 actually attend. Out of 54,000 The ghost of Bismarck still walks in Indian families, 43,000 families live in Germany, in the matter of technic at houses, having deserted the tepee. The least. Ebert, the Socialistic saddleIndian is to-day predominantly monog- maker, has not forgotten the tactics of amous, only 236 polygamous marriages Bismarck, the cynical statesman. The being recorded; 113,000 Indians are spirit of paternalism still informs the listed as church-goers; 191,000 Indians movements of the Government. One have forsaken the blanket for modern bit of recent news from Germany illusclothing; 120,000 Indians speak the trates this contention. English language, and 26,000 are voters. While the statesmen and business men The one phase of inadaptability to which of England and the United States are the Indian clings is his reluctance to discussing the wisdom of democratizing intermarry with the white. At least industry through the installation of shop the statistics show that fewer than one stewards and joint councils of employers tenth of the Indian marriages are with and employees as a means of allaying and whites. For this all biologically minded preventing the discontent that is tofolk will be thankful.

day hamstringing production, Germany The record of our relations with the calmly announces a compulsory estabIndian may be stained with many lishment by law of the system in every wrongs. Even when the larger logic of shop and business in Germany employhistory may seem to justify conquest ing more than twenty men.

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