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and the Society of Jesus, "the invincible The epoch of Mr. Cartier's greatest power fortress of ultramontanism," set forth was also the epoch when the errors which as the chief foe they feared. Against were to prove fatal developed. Thinking Laval University, again, charges of himself invincible, he forgot the source Gallican and liberal leanings were freely whence he derived his strength. He forgot brought, and a strong and persistent that if he had become the leader of Lower endeavor was made to lessen its influence Canada it was simply because he had identiby establishing in Montreal a university fied himself with the Catholic cause, devoted under the bishop's control. The attack himself to the defense of the Church, and was not meekly endured. As the Ultra- never feared to avow himself eminently montane chronicler reports: “They Catholic and a submissive child of the marched proudly under the command of Church. From 1865 he had taken an active their valiant bishops Laflèche and Bour- part in the difficulties excited by the affair of get, but finding in the foremost ranks, the division of the parish of Montreal, and at the head of the enemy forces, Laval had impelled his organ and his friends into University and Archbishop Taschereau, the path of opposition and persecution which their arms

ere paralyzed and their has ended so deplorably for himself. The spirits troubled.”1

attempt in which he persisted with so great Even old political friends were not

perseverance to defeat the projects of his spared. Cartier was not forgiven for Bishop and procure the annulment of canontaking the side of the seminary and the ical decrees by the civil tribunals, destroyed civil powers in the contest over the Mon- the confidence of Catholics and brought on treal parishes, and the hostility of the the ruin of the colossus. church contributed heavily to his defeat in the general election of 1872. At his Not content with indirect control, the death a year later the “Le Nouveau Ultramontane school determined in 1871 Monde" very frankly exposed his fault: to enter the political field openly and


1Savaëte, "Vers l'Abime," ii, p. 100.


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aggressively. Early in that year a The “Catholic Programme,” as the group of editors and lawyers, all deep- manifesto was termed, was devised to dyed Conservatives, and all, in their own guide aright the Catholic voters in the words, "belonging heart and soul to the approaching provincial elections. Takultramontane school,” gathered in Mon- ing as its starting-point a pastoral of treal to consider how best to advance Mgr. Laflèche exhorting the people to their cause. The group included F. X. choose legislators who would safeguard A. Trudel, a prominent member of the the interests of the church, the Assembly; A. B. Routhier, L. O. Taillon, program declared that since the and other lawyers; and the leading Ultra- separation of church and state was an montane editors, Alphonse Desjardins absurd and impious doctrine, and legisof “L'Ordre,” Magloire Macleod of the lators would therefore have to do with “Journal des Trois-Rivières,” M. Ren- matters ecclesiastical, it was essential ault of the “Courrier du Canada," and for Catholics to choose men who gave C. Beausoleil, the editor, and Canon full and unreserved adhesion to the Lamarche, the censor, of “Le Nouveau religious, political, and social doctrines of Monde.” They decided, after recalling their church. Protestants, of course, the effective work Louis Veuillot had would have the same liberty. This indone in France by his uncompromising volved, as a rule, the support of the Constand, to launch a movement for organ- servative party as the only one offering izing a Catholic party, or, rather, for valid guaranties for the interests of purging the Conservative party of the religion, but the support should not be anti-clerical elements which were creeping blind. Only those candidates should be in. A manifesto embodying their views chosen who would agree to modify the was drawn up by M. Routhier, revised laws of the province in regard to educaby Mgr. Laflèche, approved by Mgr. tion, marriage, the erection of parishes Bourget, and published first in the "Jour- and other matters, in the way demanded nal des Trois-Rivières" on April 20, 1871. by the bishops. In detail, this meant: “1, if the contest is between two Con- "Ordre," the "Courrier du Canada," the servatives, it goes without saying that “Union des Cantons de l'Est,' and we shall support the one who accepts the the “Pionnier de Sherbrooke." Several platform we have just outlined; 2, if, members of the Assembly hastened to on the contrary, it is between a Con- proclaim their adhesion. But "La Minservative of any shade whatever and an erve” and the erstwhile clerical “Journal adept of the liberal school, our sym- de Québec" flatly and vigorously depathies will be given actively to the nounced the manifesto as an insufferable former; 3, if the only candidates who affront. More significant still was the come forward in a constituency are both publication of a letter, on April 26, from

a liberals or oppositionists, we must choose Archbishop Taschereau, stating that he

knew of the document only through the newspapers, and that it therefore lay under the grave disability of having been drawn up wholly without any participation by the episcopacy; no member of the clergy was authorized to exceed the limits laid down by the Fourth Council of Quebec. This disavowal did not deter the two episcopal champions of Ultramontanism. Both issued pastorals approving its doctrines, and stated publicly and explicitly that they indorsed the program, Mgr. Bourget adding that he considered it the surest safeguard for a truly Conservative party.

When the provincial elections of 1871, in which Wilfrid Laurier was returned for Drummond-Arthabaska, were over, the Liberals found themselves once more in a small minority. A group of moderate Liberals determined to make a fresh

start and blot out the tradition of antiMgr. Ignace Bourget, Bishop of Montreal clericalism which barred their path to

power. Under the leadership of Louis

A. Jetté, a Montreal barrister, the whichever will agree to our terms; 4, endeavor was made to reorganize the finally, in the event that the contest lies Liberal party as the Parti National. between a Conservative who rejects our The new label was accepted, though programme and an opportunist of any without enthusiasm, by the old Rouges, brand who accepts it, the position would and fresh recruits were gathered in cirbe more delicate. To vote for the cles friendly to the clergy. The Parti former would be to contradict the doc- National stood for Canada first and trine we have just expounded; to vote last, had a leaning toward protection, for the latter would be to imperil the and expressed the friendliest feelings Conservative party, which we wish to toward the clergy, though still solicitous see strong. What decision should we to prevent their robes being soiled in the make as between these two dángers? mire of politics. A new journal, “Le In this case we should advise Catholic National,” was established in Montreal electors to abstain from voting.”

to voice its views, and the "Bien Public" This extraordinary document was re- of the same city, and “L'Electeur" and published and supported by "Le Nou- "L'Evénement" of Quebec, gave it genveau Monde,” the "Franc Parleur,” the eral support."

2". . . We are a national party because, before all, we are attached to our nation, and because we have pledged our unswerv ng loyalty to Canada above the whole world: Canada against the world. . . Le National will be a political and non-religious paper, but, as the special organ of the Catholic population, and in conformity with the opinions of the directors of the journal, when occasion arises, we shall concur with Catholic opinion, and we repudiate in advance any thing which may inadvertently be overlooked in the rapid editing of a daily paper, in order to protest our entire devo tion and our filial obedience to the Church.” Opening manifesto of "Le National,” April 24, 1872.




The effect of the new tactics was seen in the increased Liberal representation in the federal elections of 1872, and particularly in the defeat of the veteran Cartier himself by Jetté in Montreal East. In the latter election there was open alliance between the Parti National and the Ultramontanes against their common foe. But the reconciliation did not prove lasting. The great bulk of the clergy looked upon this sudden repentance as merely a ruse, and the fighting class among the old Rouges were uneasy in their unwonted company. Gradually the transformation was reversed, the former chieftains again took control, and the Parti National faded into the Liberal party once more. When the Liberal party came to power in Ottawa after the exposure of the Pacific scandal, it was the old Rouge leaders, Letellier, Fournier, Laflamme, Geoffrion, who were taken into the cabinet, not the Jettés. The appointment of Cauchon was the only concession made to the new allies.

Writing to James Young in July, 1874, Mr. Laurier explains the situation:

rage, but what could they do? Cartier knew perfectly what he was about. They had too long proclaimed him a little saint, to brand him now as a heretic or an enemy of the Church. Cartier knew perfectly well that they would not dare to undo their own work.

They then adopted a new tactics. (Is this English, by the way?) They made a movement forward in the doctrine. Cartier was yet a good man, but he could be better. He had too much of the Liberal ideas in him; though he had been a servant of the Church, he had not in him the true spirit of the Church in all its purity.

Our friend Jetté, who is clever, and has always been known as a moderate Liberal, adopted this new programme. In return, he was adopted both by the Ultramontanes, on account of his avowed principles, and by the Liberals, on account of his supposed tendencies. Since, then, Jet:é has always acted with us, and in the same time, has always been careful to keep on good terms with the Ultramontanes. And this is the reason why they have been so zealous to get him a seat in the Cabinet. They want to have there a representative of their own principles.

The Nouveau Monde party have been clamorous to have Jetté installed in office. You want to know the reason. Here it is. The Nouveau Monde party are not Liberals: they are of the worst class of Conservatives —they are Ultramontanes.

That party have been instrumental in making Cartier what he was amongst us. They took him when he was nothing, and for years fought all his battles. They approved of everything he said or did, they represented him as a pillar of the altar, and they poured the blessings of the Church over all his scandals. Cartier, as long as he was weak and needy, humiliated his despotic nature to them, and was in their hands a pliant tool. But when, after Confederation, he found himself supported by an overwhelming majority, he gave free vent to his own haughty nature. He did nothing against them, it is true, but he treated them as inferiors, and no longer submissively kissed their hands: that was enough to alienate their affections. He did still more: he gave them to understand very freely that he was the master, that he could rule and would rule without them.

The Ultramontanes were incensed with

The Parti National diversion had failed to avert the wrath of the Ultramontane crusaders. More convinced than ever that even moderate Liberals were incorrigible, they renewed their endeavor to place submissive politicians in control of the local government. Developments in the provincial field soon provided an opportunity. The Conservative government of Gédéon Ouimet, who had succeeded Chauveau as premier in 1873, was forced to resign in September, 1874, as the result of charges of administrative corruptionthe Tanneries or "land-swap" scandal. The Ouimet cabinet had consisted mainly of the Cartier wing of the Conservative party. Charles de Boucherville, who formed the new administration, was one of the leading lay adherents of the program. When the general provincial elections followed in July, 1875, the whole weight of the Ultramontane wing of the clergy was thrown to their support. The Liberals were nearly annihilated. Their leader, Henri Joly de Lotbinière, who was a Protestant, offered to resign on the

ground that his religion was a handicap Catholic education was given to a comto his party; but his supporters in the mittee consisting of the bishops and an House denied that the Ultramontanes equal number of appointed laymen, the could be any more hostile to a Protes- bishops, however, alone enjoying the tant than to a Catholic liberal, and right to be represented by proxy. Coninsisted on his retaining his post.

trol of Protestant schools was confided The activities of the majority in the as fully and freely to a Protestant comnew legislature soon justified its Ultra- mittee. It was urged that it was desirmontane backers. In the first ses- able to remove education from politics, sion three significant acts were passed. and that the freedom given the ProtesOne was designed to prevent a second tant minority was a proof of liberality Guibord appeal to

to the courts. It and tolerance; but the fact remained declared the right of the ecclesiastical that the measure was a concession to authorities to designate the place in the the element which opposed state concemetery where each person was to be trol over education and other matters buried, and provided that, if according declared to be within the church's to the canonical rules and in the opinion sphere. of the bishop any deceased person could The next concerted action was the not be buried in consecrated ground issuing of a joint pastoral on the political with liturgical prayers, he should receive situation. The council of bishops had civil burial in ground adjoining the ceme- on several occasions issued advice on tery. A second law gave civil confirma- political issues to clergy and laity; the tion to the action of Bishop Bourget second council, of 1858, urged the clergy in dividing the parish of Montreal, a to be neutral in political issues where marginal note, later explained away as religion was not involved; the third, an inexact expression of a compiler, in 1863, condemned secret societies and declared that "decrees of our Holy the plague of evil newspapers; the Father the Pope are binding." Most fourth, in 1868, criticized the assertion important was the establishment of that religion had nothing to do with

politics; and the fifth, in 1873, attacked, but in brief and vague terms, that false serpent, Catholic liberalism, and asserted that the church was independent of the state and superior to it. Now in September, 1875, Archbishop Taschereau was induced to join the other bishops of the province in issuing a joint letter, designed, as the latter stated, “to shut the mouths of those who,

to sanction their false Laurier's law office, Arthabaskaville, Quebec

doctrines, find pretexts for escaping the

teachings of their education upon a wholly denomina- own bishop by invoking the authority of tional basis, and the restriction of state other bishops which unfortunately they control by making the superintendent abuse, deceiving the good people.” a civil servant instead of a cabinet The joint pastoral of September, 1875, member, formerly. Control

was mainly a warning against Catholic




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