Puslapio vaizdai

eral movement in the direction of legal man and Austrian delegates. The one enactments that will insure responsi- vote against their admission was cast by bility upon the part of labor organiza- M. Louis Guerin, head of the French tions. We have long had under dis- linen industry, who shouted with Gallic cussion the proposal of demanding fervor as the vote was announced, "It incorporation of labor-unions. Labor is splendid to stand alone." has consistently fought this, and there Our late enemies were admitted to has not been sufficient conviction on the this conference not because the world part of the public to force the measure has forgotten Germany's insane aloofthrough. It is inevitable that as power ness to the commonest standards of accumulates in any quarter, demands will political decency during the war and the arise that responsibility in that quarter long years of insidious preparation, but be provided. Collective bargaining and because the modern world is an ecocollective responsibility are, of course, nomic unit and cannot be administered two sides of the same shield.

other than as a unit. Belgium's memAll such developments as the general ory certainly has not failed her, and yet lockout and the general strike show economic considerations would not alafresh that we have not yet got past the low her delegates to vote against the "balance-of-power" stage in industrial motion, although sentiment would not relations any more than we have got permit their voting for it. M. Jules past the "balance-of-power" stage in Carlier, president of the central indusinternational relations. Until we are

trial committee of Belgium, explaining able to find better instruments of class refusal to vote, said, “They (the Belgian defense, we may expect such develop- employers] don't want to vote against ments to proceed. Society has always it for economic reasons, but they don't shown a strange reluctance to bring want to vote for it, because Germany has reason to bear upon its problems until cynically violated all engagements toevery other means has been exhausted. wards Belgium and diabolically deSo it may be that we shall have to go on stroyed our industries." M. Ernest piling up armaments on both sides of Mahaim, of Liège University, likewise the industrial field until the employers said, “We think economic conditions on the one side and the employees on force us to adopt the motion." the other have gravitated into two huge The whole affair was a striking testiaggregations of power—aggregations so mony to the primacy of economics in huge that industrial war between them international relations. The German will mean a virtual suspension of the and Austrian delegates walked past the nation's life. When such a time comes, sentinels of hate and took their seats in when society has to choose between the conference, despite the old political suicide or statesmanship, maybe we Germany, because of the new economic shall pull ourselves together and find a Germany. new basis for industrial coöperation. M. Léon Jouhaux, general secretary

of the Confédération Générale du Tra

vail and head of the French delegation, BECAUSE GERMANY WORKS

stated the situation clearly and raised A FEW months back it was worth one's an interesting question when he said: head to suggest that we should some day “One question we are going to discuss be obliged to deal with Germany as is the eight-hour day. It would be part of the economic world. Prominent entirely impossible to impose the applicitizens, in solicitous concern for the cation of the principles that might here full vindication of international moral- be adopted on Germany and Austria if ity, busied themselves with elaborate they are not allowed to participate. schemes for a post-war boycott. Then, And we read daily that in Germany in October last, the international labor workmen are busy nine and ten hours a conference, created under the peace day." The last sentence of the French treaty, convened in Washington and by labor leader's statement puts the intera vote of seventy-one to one admitted esting query, What will happen if, while to membership in the conference Ger- the rest of the world is wrangling, Germany says nothing and goes quietly to afford. The fact that German tradework?

unions have consented to the reintroIt is interesting to note what has been duction of piece-work in many branches happening in Germany at a time when of the metal industry is indicative of the labor and capital in other countries have increasing concern of German labor as been immersed in conflicts that have well as of German capital to every inmeant a serious handicap on production. centive to maximum production. The Some weeks ago Herr Bauer, Cabinet German workman has begun to show President, said to the German Parlia- signs that he is tired of seeing his savings ment, “There are unmistakable signs of vanish in strike periods and is settling a reawakening of the characteristic down to the grinding tasks and responstrenuousness of German workmen, jus- sibilities of the economic restoration of tifying our hopes that economic condi- the fatherland. Many factories in the tions will soon become quite tolerable." chemical industry are working three Then we find Georges Gotheiu, formerly shifts every twenty-four hours. of the Scheideman Cabinet, writing in A recent Berlin despatch quotes the “Neue Freie Presse" that the in- General von Francois, who commanded dustries which contribute to Germany's an army corps in Poland during the war, export trade have adequate coal arrange- as suggesting that Germany adopt a ments and are little disturbed by strikes; system of compulsory labor during the that Germany's porcelain works are transition period to take the place of employing more workers than before the the compulsory military training that war; that the toy, optical, and chemical the German youths formerly received. industries, the manufacture of musical Somewhat reminiscent of our own Wilinstruments, and the publication of liam James's idea of a social conscription music are all on a high production basis as a moral equivalent of war, General and have many foreign orders at good von Francois suggests that, since work is prices.

the sole salvation of Germany, all physicThe facts available at the time this is ally and mentally fit youths should be written indicate that these statements drafted for one year when they become are more than political gestures. At twenty years of age, that they be housed the beginning of November last, the in barracks, clothed, fed, and given figures of the Federal Labor Ministry certain expense money by the state, and indicated that there were about five that the products of their labor go to hundred thousand unemployed in all the state. This may be only a private Germany. That meant that in six suggestion, but it must be remembered months Germany had reduced the that, despite its sins against civilization, number of her unemployed from a mil- the old régime burned into the German lion and a half to the above noted half- people over a long period of years the million. It is significant that the largest lesson of organization. The war meant number of unemployed, at the time these four years of graduate training in figures were compiled, were registered intensive production. A people does in branches of industry, such as textiles, not soon forget such training. So the which are dependent upon foreign question is, What will happen if the countries for raw materials; that is, in eurve of production rises in Germany situations over which German purpose and falls in the lands of the victor? and organization cannot yet exert con- That is a good question to print on the trol.

desk calendars of all employers and Every effort is being made in Ger- labor leaders. many to compose labor difficulties and to get industry going full steam ahead. There has been a marked gain in wages

THE PHILATELIST IN HIGH GLEE and in other privileges for German Back in 1865, in the columns of "Le labor. Manufacturers are, in some in- Collectionneur," M. Herpin, a stampstances, buying up large stocks of food collector, carelessly coined the word stuffs and reselling them to their philatélie from two Greek words that in workmen at a price the workmen can combination literally mean a love of things free of tax. While M. Herpin in the coal strike and the overwhelming may have worried the meticulous word- approval which the Massachusetts elecbuilder, he gave local habitation and torate gave to the manner in which name to the whimsical passion of the Governor Coolidge defended the public stamp-collecting fraternity, which must interest in the policemen's strike are be in high glee to-day over the medley only two of many dramatizations of the of new stamps which the magic wand of new determination to make the public "self-determination" has called into interest primary in every situation. being.

No one who has had a new political or A London "Times" despatch records economic idea since the landing of the the issuance of nearly two thousand Mayflower desires "government by innew kinds of postage stamps since De- junction,” with the meanings that have cember, 1918. The new states created attached to that phrase in the past. by the peace conference have issued But the use of the injunction in the nearly fifteen hundred of this number. November coal strike was actuated by Poland now has over four hundred dis- no narrow class motive. It was not tinct postage-stamps as against the sin- designed as a blow at the workman's gle design used before the war. The right to strike. It was the Government's Ukraine has displayed similar versatil- most available means of serving notice ity in the creation of one hundred and upon all groups and all classes that seventy-five varieties of stamps. Czecho- methods must be found for settling the Slovakia and Jugo-slavia, not to be issues of industry that do not threaten outdone, have each turned out a fresh to freeze or starve the American public assortment of about one hundred and and paralyze American industry. The fifty. And not to alienate the interest Government was not indulging in a of the philatelic brotherhood, little temporary maneuver for the settlement Fiume boasts seventy-five distinct issues. of this strike alone; it was establishing a

principle of public right which the pres

ent posture of affairs requires, if the THE PUBLIC IS KING

public is not to become a foot-ball to be It is always reassuring when we retain kicked here and there by any group that our sense of humor on dark days. In happens to accumulate power. Should the mass of solemn and apprehensive an association of owners and operators editorials on the labor situation it is act in concert to bring about a nationrefreshing to come upon the lightness of wide shutting down of all coal-mines, touch that marks a Chicago "Tribune" labor leadership would be first to concomment on the tangle. The writer demn it as inhuman and illegal. And asserts that the coal-miners said they labor leadership would be right. The were willing to negotiate to prevent a question at stake is not the justice or strike, the operators said they were will- injustice of specific claims in particular ing to negotiate to prevent a strike, the strikes; it is a question of the suicidal Government asked both to negotiate to character of the present method of prevent a strike; so it was decided to attempting to adjust industrial relahave a strike. Then the writer proceeds tions. to twit the always imperious, but always No sane man wishes to see the situacomplaisant, public. He writes that we tion issue in a test of brute force. A emphatically assert that the public fight would bring only a temporary must not have its vital processes in- settlement at best, and its aftermath terrupted, and straightway they are would poison social relations in this interrupted; that the public must be country for a generation to come. There protected, and the public is not. "The never has been a time in our history public is the ward of mandates and the when employers were as widely and as victim of facts. The public is always deeply concerned in making a sincere king, but there is always a regency." approach to the human problem of in

Things have been moving, however, dustry. The war has mellowed the in the days since this was written. The mind of many an autocrat. We could injunction obtained by the Government begin to see the emerging qualities of


genuine industrial statesmanship in (the persons with grievances) complained many quarters. It will be little short of loudly, that whilst fighting abroad for tragic if all this must be stifled in an liberty and dominion, they were capindustrial death-grapple. Even before tured and oppressed at home by their the war the preponderant part of our fellow-citizens." This sounds strangely public sympathy was with labor in the modern. Describing the spread of the average contest, and labor further tumult through the city, Livy writes, solidified its hold upon American opinion like one of our own vigilantes, “In no during the war. But since the war an place is there wanting a voluntary asincreasing radicalism in labor has shaken sociate of sedition.” Strikingly sugthat sympathy.

gestive of the way American labor, It is becoming clearer every day, how- pointing to its admirable war record, ever, that if it comes to a test of strength, asserts its demands in no uncertain the public interest will prevail. The tones, Livy describes the manner in complaisant public has been jarred which the "multitude" approached the awake. If a show-down of force must "consuls" for redress. “The multitude come, there is less ground than ever to turning towards them (the consuls) fear the outcome. Wherever there has ... said that they deserved all this been a clear test on a clean-cut issue, (disturbance), taunting them each with whether in Seattle or in Boston, it has the military services performed by himbeen made plain that the reserve forces self, one in one place, and another in of the public stand ready to leap to another. They require them with menmobilization against the autocracy or aces, rather than as suppliants, to asviolence of any minority that disdains semble the senate, and stand round the the accepted methods of a democracy senate-house in a body, determined for achieving progress or effecting themselves to be witnesses and directors change. This should give us a sense of of the public counsels.” Here was security that will make for calm con- labor influence on Congress with sideration untouched by hysteria.


Fashions in human nature seem not to

change much through the centuries. 2413 YEARS AGO

This Roman Bolshevism revealed about SEVERAL editors were talking shop the the same diversity in the ideals of other evening in the quiet of a club cor- leadership that we have to-day. "Ap

One of them, not a classicist, re- pius, a man of violent temper, thought marked that whenever he felt his brain the matter was to be done by the going flat and dry, whenever he found authority of the consuls, and that if one himself angling in vain for an idea that or two were seized, the rest would be would cut under the surface of the quiet. Servilius, more inclined to modday's news, he spent an evening brows- erate measures, thought that while ing in the classics or re-reading the very their minds were in this ferment, it old essayists. He contended that for would be both more safe and more acute observation, incisive comment, easy to bend than to break them.” and downright timeliness, ancient lit- Here

the two fundamental erature is more modern than current types of leadership bidding for control literature.

of Roman policy in a time of threatening Certainly it would be difficult to write unrest-Appius, apostle of force; Seran editorial on our own domestic unrest vilius, apostle of moral suasion. The and strike epidemic that would get to the outcome may be suggestive for us. To heart of the matter with greater direct- quote Livy again: “To many the opinion ness than does this page from Livy's of Appius appeared, as it really was, “History of Rome.”

severe and violent. . . . But through the It seems that after the rapid and suc- spirit of faction and a regard of private cessful conclusion of a series of wars interest, which always have and always "the state, being disturbed within itself, will obstruct the public councils, Apglowed with intestine animosity between pius prevailed, and was himself near the senate and the people. ... They being created dictator; which step



would certainly have alienated the com- they would need the loyalty of the mons at this most dangerous juncture. soldiers and the people. Plainly the

. . But the consuls and elder senators thing had to be patched up. Let Livy took care that this office, in its own tell how the victory for sanity and order nature uncontrollable, should be com- was won. mitted to a man of moderate temper. They chose Manius Valerius, son of

It was resolved, therefore, that there Volesus, dictator."

should be sent as ambassador to the people, Although there is no parallel between

Menenius Agrippa, an eloquent man, and their official positions, Valerius and

one who was a favorite with the people, Samuel Gompers have much in common.

because he derived his origin from them. He,

being admitted into the camp, is said to have There is something quite Valerian about

related to them merely the following story the position Mr. Gompers has held as ardent spokesman of the masses, but at

in that antiquated and uncouth style: “At

a time when all the parts in the human body the same time a conservative leader whom capital and the public would, as

did not, as now, agree together, but the

several members had each its own scheme, Mr. Gompers has often suggested, do well to support unless more radical

its own language, the other parts, indignant leadership is desired. Valerius did not

that everything was procured for the belly succeed in his task of conciliation.

by their care, labor, and service; that the When he did not get from the senate the

belly, remaining quiet in the center, did

. consideration he wanted for the griev- nothing but enjoy the pleasures afforded it. ances of the people, he quit the senate

They conspired accordingly, that the hands house and abdicated his dictatorship

should not convey food to the mouth, nor

the mouth receive it when presented, nor with a speech that sounded very much like Mr. Gompers's parting statement

the teeth chew it; whilst they wished under as he withdrew from the industrial con

the influence of this feeling to subdue the ference last October. Valerius said: “I

belly by famine, the members themselves am not acceptable as an adviser of

and the entire body were reduced to the concord. You will ere long wish, de

last degree of emaciation. Thence it became pend on it, that the commons of Rome

apparent that the service of the belly was by had patrons similar to me.

no means a slothful one; that it did not so part, I will neither further disappoint

much receive nourishment as supply it, my fellow-citizens, nor will I be dictator

sending to all parts of the body this blood by

which we live and possess vigor, distributed to no purpose. . . . Peace has been secured abroad, it is impeded at home.

equally to the veins when perfected by the I will be a witness to disturbance as

digestion of the food.” By comparing in a private citizen rather than as dicta

this way how similar the intestine sedi

tion of the body was to the resentment tor.” To skip past details, the way out of

of the people against the senators, he the tangle was found, and a moderate

made an impression on the minds of the

multitude, program secured from the discontented element by a son of the common people The modern cartoonist has always not by any dramatic master-stroke of characterized "capital" by a capacious statesmanship, but by the telling of a and well-filled stomach. simple fable that stripped the problem of versions of "capital" inspired this trick its thousand and one misleading pas- of the cartoonists, but Menenius Agripsions and brought to the situation the pa's fable got at the heart of capital's healing ministry of common sense. fundamental service. May we not hope

The discontented legions were that some Agrippa will arise in the ranks camped outside the city. The senators of labor and by some such clear, clean, had a bad case of nerves. They did not lightning flash of common sense chalknow at what minute the people left in lenge all the factors of production, huthe city would become infected with man and material, to that harmonious this Bolshevist poison and join forces partnership without which are with the legions outside. Then, too, defeated before we begin the tasks of another war might come any day, and reconstruction ahead of us?

For my

Certain per



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