Shortly after his succession to the dukedom, Philip III. made his entry into Lisbon, and, desirous of shewing his affection for Theodosius, offered him whatever favour he should ask. “Sire,” replied the duke," the munificence of the former kings of Portugal has left nothing which I can desire; the greatest favour. you can shew me, would be to extend your affection to the inhabitants of Portugal."

He married Anna de Velasco, daughter of Don Juan Fernandez de Velasco, Constable of Castile, and of the Duchess de Frias, Maria de Giron, his first wife. His issue were-Joam, the eighth duke, who succeeded to the throne of Portugal. Duarte, born on 31st March, 1605, served in the army of the Emperor of Austria, long before his brother ascended the Portuguese throne, and although that circumstance occasioned a rupture between the two courts, he still did not desert the service of the emperor, but was betrayed by a Portuguese named Francisco de Mello, at that time ambassador from Philip to the Austrian court. Mello, ungrateful to the House of Braganza, earnestly solicited the emperor to deliver up Duarte to the Spanish monarch, representing the peculiar service which the possession of his person would render to Philip, and the danger to be dreaded from his abilities in military tactics. The emperor answered with disdain to a request, which would, in the most disgraceful and ungrateful manner, sully his honour and that of the state, which owed so many obligations to Duarte. Mello, not discouraged by the answer of the emperor, used every effort to gain his purpose, and procured the assistance of the Confessor of the empress, who endeavoured to persuade the emperor, who at last yielded to their joint entreaties, and dispatched Don Luiz Gonzaga to the prince's quarters at Leipen, to summon him to Ratisbon. To account in some measure for so great a breach of honour it was reported that Duarte had fled from Leipen for some misdemeanour, and a reward of 16,000 crowns, was offered for his person, dead or alive: he escaped, however, the search of his pursuers, but on his arrival at Ratisbon he was cast into gaol, and his retinue imprisoned. Mello now solicited the emperor to deliver him over to Philip; but the emperor by a messenger assured Duarte he would not give him up to the Spaniards; his treatment in prison became, however, worse daily, and his frequent requests of an audience with the emperor, fruitless. When the news of his imprisonment reached Lisbon, instructions were sent to Don Francisco de Sousa Cou

tinho, ambassador extraordinary to Sweden, to represent in the name of the king his master, the whole proceedings to the Diet at Ratisbon. This representation was ineffectual, and although the emperor seemed still disinclined to deliver Duarte up to the Spaniards; yet tempted by the offer of 40,000 crowns, contrary to every law national and honourable, he agreed that this innocent prince should be sent wherever Philip wished, in consequence of which he was removed to the castle of Milan, and kept close prisoner. On his entering into the Spanish territories, he was received by the Count de Sirvela, governor of the dukedom, where the convoy of the emperor bad him adieu; at parting, Duarte thus addressed the Austrian commissary-"Tell your mas. ter that it causes me more sorrow to have so long served so unworthy a prince, than to see myself sold a prisoner into the hands of my enemies; but the Judge of Heaven and Earth will one day deal in the same manner to his children, who are not more privileged for being of the House of Austria, than I am, being of the blood royal of Portugal, and posterity will judge of him and me." The instructions given to the Austrian convoy by the emperor were, that in case of resistance, the death of the Infante was to take place immediately, arrived at Milan, he was placed in the common prison, having a guard lotged in his chamber, so rude as scarcely to allow him any rest; in this miserable situation he died on the 3d of September, 1649. I have related the history of this deserving, though unfortunate prince, at length, wishing in this memoir to give every information relative to this illustrious house in my power; his death greatly af fected his brother, whose revenge was only prevented by the insecurity of the tenure by which he held his crown, and the continual inroads of his troublesome neighbours. Theodosius had also by his duchess, Alexander, born April 6, 1607, died May 31, 1637; and Catharine, born 1606, who died an infant.

VIII. Joam succeeded to the dukedom of Braganza, on the demise of Theodosius. The reign of Philip II. and III. had experienced little molestation from the Portuguese, these monarchis having policy and foresight enough to endeavour by every possi." ble means, to conciliate their new subjects; whereas Philip IV. committed the kingdom to the tyranny of Count Olivarez. The Abbé Vertot, in his history of the revolution, which this occasioned, has, with most elegant brevity, summed up the particulars. I shall endeavonr by a slight sketch to point out the

reasons and methods which eventually placed the duke upon the throne. The rigorous measures prescribed by Olivarez, in the governments of Catalonia and Portugal, were extremely oppressive; both nations were tender of their privileges, the Catalonians first threw off the yoke, and placed themselves under the protec tion of France. The Portuguese were encouraged by this display of magnanimity in their neighbours, especially as their own sufferings demanded immediate redress. By the second article sworn to by Philip II. on his accession, the viceroy or governor of Portugal was to be either son, brother, uncle, or nephew to the King of Spain; instead of which, the infanta, Margarita di Mantua, was appointed governess. This, together with a grievous tax imposed in 1636, so incensed the Portuguese as to occasion a révolt, which required all the skill of the governess to overcome. To prevent a like occurrence, Olivarez began to endeavour to gain possession of the Duke of Braganza, and withdraw him from Por tugal. This prince, allied to most of the monarchs of Europe, was beheld by the subjects of Portugal, as the lawful heir to their crown, and was treated even by the Spanish monarchs with more respect and ceremony than any other of the grandees, and received by them as a sovereign prince. The first measure, employed by Olivarez, was to offer him the government of Milan, a place of great trust and honour, which he modestly refused, alledging as a reason his unwillingness to leave Portugal; the reason assigned by Joam increased the anxiety of Philip and Olivarez; an edict was published proclaiming the king's intention of going in person to subdue the revolting Catalonians, and requiring all the nobility to be in readiness in four months to attend him. The Duke of Braganza, suspicious of some design against his person, retired to Villa-Viciosa, sending an excuse to Olivarez, that the state of his affairs was so low, as to preclude his attendance on his majesty with the pomp suitable to his rank. This answer of the duke confounded Olivarez, yet this subtle courtier continued his plans to entrap him; Olivarez's letter in answer to Joam informed him, that his answer had given perfect satisfaction to his majesty, who with himself commiserated his small income; at the same time, enclosing him an appointment of commandant of the militia, and a present of 60,000 crowns, with a request that he should reside in the neighbourhood of Lisbon where his choice should incline him. This confidence placed in the duke, amazed the politicians of the king

doms particularly the Princess of Mantua, who repeatedly solicited the king to guard against the opportunity, which was now given the Duke of Braganza to revolt; these representations were of no effect, and their surprize was still further excited by an order, by which the Spanish garrisons in the forts, which commanded the city, were withdrawn, and the castle put into the hands of Joam. After so much confidence having been placed in the duke, Olivarez thought he had some claims upon him, and there. fore in 1640, he by letters solicited him to leave Portugal, and set out for Madrid, assuring him how much his majesty was pleased with his able conduct as general, and stating that his presence, attended by his vassals, would encourage others to give that assistance, which his majesty, from the weak state of his kingdom, required. Although this pretence was planned with great ingenuity, it failed in its effect; the fears of Joam were alive for his safety, and he beheld the fair promises, held out by Olivarez, as but gilded allurements to entice him to his destruction: to prevent suspicion he sent his majesty a quota of his tenantry, but excused himself attending, and retired again to Villa-Viciosa. Olivarez thus again disappointed, had at last recourse to treachery to secure, if possible, the person of Joam. Orders were sent to Don Lopez d' Ossis, and Don Antonio d' Oquendo, that after they had relieved Fanders with men and money, they should put into Lisbon with their whole fleet, that the duke should then be seized, and conveyed by them to Cadiz. This plan was frustrated by the Spanish fleet being attacked and rout ed by the Dutch.

[To be concluded in another number.]

MISS EDGEWORTH.

THIS lively and entertaining writer ought to be reminded that whatever is printed as quotation, should be cited in the words of the original. In the first volume of her Tales of Fashionable Life, we find "Not to know him argues yourself unknown," p. 170. "We never mention hell to ears polite," p. 178. In the second vo lume, p. 159- How can you mothers vex your infants so?”

A delicate lady would hardly have dived into Pope's Alley for a

motto.

Infantumque animæ flentes in limine primo →

would have been prettier by far.

In the third volume we find, p. 268,-" The creature's at her dirty work again." Arbitratrix elegantiarum is not a quotation, and Candelabras is neither Latin nor English. In vol. i. p. 174, the following sentence occurs: "In certain political as well as in certain geometrical lines, there is a continual effort to approach, without a possibility of meeting." The lines here alluded to, can be no other than two parallel lines, and in these the effort to meet remains to be discovered. The authoress may have read the loves of the Triangles where such efforts are whimsically described, but the loves of the Parallels are hitherto unsung.

AMICUS.

NOTES ON ATHENÆUS.

BY GRÆCULUS.

No. XXV.

"The wit and genius of those old Heathens beguiled me, and as I despaired of raising myself up to their standard upon fair ground, I thought the only chance I had of looking over their heads, was to get upon their shoulders."

PURSUING the course through the xith book, I perceive that the Athenians, the most polished people of their time, like the most unpolished in ours, constantly regaled themselves with eating and drinking, during the exhibition of their spectacles. E. p.

464.

Α. p. 466, for μελ ̓ ἀμφότεροισιν read μεν α. In the next line JE, for Sεον. The third-Ωε 8 οἱ πατρω αν ειη φιλότητι δάσαιτο is mended by Casaubon; but try it thus- & oi içıav evı 4. dacawro. In the 4th, between sau insert Elev.

In B. for waveva read wavževov. See Pindar, Ol. iii. 30. In F. for τους Σάλυβες read τινας Σ. Athenæus here treats of ποτηρια γραμμαίικα, lettered cups-they were either stamped or engraved, Weston

*Fragments of Oriental Literature.

M MVOL. VI.*