as the Representatives of States which a very considerable class of politicians began to consider deprived of all the rights and privileges of States by their acts of rebellion; but with the exception of those from Tennessee, they were all finally refused seats. During the seven or eight months of Mr. Johnson's Administration some interesting and noteworthy changes had taken place among the people and the political leaders, especially the latter.

It had long been feared by some earnest Union men, most of whom, perhaps, were War Democrats, that the Administration of Mr. Lincoln would fall into the theory, believed to be erroneous, that the Southern States should be treated as conquered provinces, and reduced to territorial condition, as having entirely lost their political features. Among these was Andrew Johnson. The following letter exhibits his early anxiety on this point :

"NASHVILLE, November 24, 1863.

"To HON. M. BLAIR, Postmaster-General :—

"I hope that the President will not be committed to the proposition of States relapsing into Territories and held as such. If he steers clear of this extreme, his election to the next Presidency is without a reasonable doubt. I expected to have been in Washington before this time, when I could have conversed freely and fully in reference to the policy to be adopted by the Government; but it has been impossible for me to leave Nashville. I will be there soon. The institution of slavery is gone, and there is no good reason now for destroying the States to bring about the destruction of slavery. "ANDREW JOHNSON."

But Mr. Lincoln had not departed from this faith; and the entire war was conducted on the supposition in dealing with foreign nations, as well as with the rebels, that the States were not withdrawn from the Union. Neither the Administration nor any of its friends ever admitted for a moment that the power or jurisdiction of the United States was lost over the rebellious States. The theory was then put forth in the loudest tones: These States go in to make the integrity of the Union; they are part of the Nation; we will maintain the national integrity; we will put down this Rebellion; the war is for that purpose. This was the language both at home and abroad. The war was undertaken on this theory, and as great as was the task, few patriotic men ever lost their faith in the final triumph of the national cause. Nor was there much wavering or diversity as to the States being States still. The idea of taking the power to consider them Territories without organized governments, and treating them as such, had its origin merely in the strong feeling and sense of wrong which the country had received from the stupendous effort made to break it in pieces. The war was undertaken to disprove the false doctrine of secession, and the result was its utter overthrow.

As the war came to an end, many of the Republican leaders began to entertain the belief that the energetic treatment yet necessary in the South would render it convenient and, perhaps, essential to hold the insurrectionary States as recovered territory,

the rights of States having been lost by war and actual secession; whereas the Democrats, even the sympathizers among them who had believed in the theory of secession, now came out in support of the present position of the President and the former position of the entire war party, becoming champions of the theory of unbroken and eternal union. A large portion of the rebels, from one reason or another, espoused this way of thinking, or appeared to do so, and were ready without probation, preparation, or scruple, to rush back to the important and valuable places they had deserted, to have a hand in the work of reconstruction.

Early in the sitting of Congress an effort was made to turn that body entirely into the channel taken by the President. On the 21st of December, Mr. Voorhees, of Indiana, introduced these resolutions, which were laid over till the 9th of January, 1866, and then referred to the Committee on Reconstruction, where they were, with extremely doubtful propriety, buried:

"Resolved, That the message of the President of the United States, delivered at the present Congress, is regarded by this body as an able and patriotic state paper.

"2. That the principles therein advocated for the restoration of the Union are the safest and most practicable that can now be applied to our disordered domestic affairs.

"3. That no State, or any number of States confederated together, can in any manner sunder their connection with the Federal Union, except by a total subversion of our present system of government; and that the President in enunciating this doctrine in his late message has but

given expression to the sentiments of all those who deny the right or power of a State to secede.

"4. That the President is entitled to the thanks of Congress and the country for his faithful, wise, and successful efforts to restore civil government, law, and order to those States whose citizens were lately in insurrection against the Federal authority; and we hereby pledge ourselves to aid, assist, and uphold him in the policy which he has adopted to give harmony, peace, and union to the country."

In June, 1866, this Committee on Reconstruction made interesting majority and minority reports, which showed clearly the course the contest was taking. Long before these reports were made the issue be- . tween the President and Congress had reached a state beyond which any "reagent "reagent" could act as a "remedy." On the 18th of December, 1865, it was announced that over the requisite two-thirds of all the States had ratified the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution declaring slavery abolished forever.

On the same day the President sent a message to Congress concerning the work of reconstruction which was then far advanced under his plan. This was accompanied by a letter from General Grant containing the result of his observations on a tour through the South. Between this letter and the report of the majority of the Committee on Reconstrnction there was a great discrepancy, the General declaring that the South had utterly abandoned the false dogma of secession and had submitted cheerfully to the inevitable situation. He said: "There is such universal acquiescence in the authority of the General

Government throughout the portions of the country visited by me, that the mere presence of a military force, without regard to numbers, is sufficient to maintain order."

The difference between these reports was owing mainly to the difference of their dates. The mildness of the rule when severity was reasonably expected, caused a reaction as the rebels began to recover from the disappointment of their collapse; and the former arrogance began to display itself in word and deed.

On the 25th of January the Senate passed the following bill, and the House concurred on the 6th of February :

"Be it enacted, etc., That the Act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees approved March three, eighteen hundred and sixty-five, shall continue in force until otherwise provided by law, and shall extend to refugees and freedmen in all parts of the United States; and the President may divide the section of country containing such refugees and freedmen into districts, each containing one or more States, not to exceed twelve in number, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoint an assistant commissioner for each of said districts, who shall give like bond, receive the compensation, and perform the duties prescribed by this and the act to which this is an amendment; or said bureau may, in the discretion of the President, be placed under a commissioner and assistant commissioners, to be detailed from the army; in which event each officer so assigned to duty shall serve without increase of pay or allowances.

"SEC. 2. That the commissioner, with the approval of the President, and when the same shall be necessary for the operations of the bureau, may divide each district into a number of sub-districts, not to exceed the number of counties or parishes in such district, and shall assign to each sub-district at least one