Puslapio vaizdai


hand and foot. Every vote of the people, | ants—that it would give us a People's Govevery act of our public men, bends to the needs and the power of the election organizations. The whole body politic is in the condition of a man whose every artery and vein are under a ligature. Wherever we try to have public work well done, whether it be a matter of railroads, or canals, or customhouses, or carrying the mails, or the administration of justice, or of the public charities, we are met with this one overpowering pressure, which compels our public servants to use the public offices and treasuries to pay for election work. The scheme here outlined is an effort for freedom.

IV. And the reason of this result would be, that we should make it for the individual interest of each man in the service to do his official work, instead of making it for the common interest of all men in the service to carry elections. But now, if a man in our public service gives himself to the simple, honest discharge of his duty to the people, he signs his political death-warrant. Drivers of ash-carts and Presidents alike, we compel them to do caucus work, or leave our service.

It may be that this scheme is not wisely conceived. Then let us devise some other; for we must do something.

But the argument here is that the system here proposed is based on sound principles, and would give us an organization under which the people's common work would be done according to the people's common will, by the hands of the people's common serv




But even if this argument be sound, the question then comes:

How are we to accomplish the change? Especially, since we are now in the hands of this great power, which controls so many of our public men,-which, in effect, disfranchises the people,-how can a way be devised to put the system into effect? An attempt will be made, in the next paper, to answer this question.

DURING the nine years since the beginning of the war, Peter had been little in the capital. Whenever he had set himself seriously to work at the administration of the country, the necessities of the war had always called him away. The boyárs held, as before, their regular sessions in council, and managed the routine business of the Government, though the heads of departments were now called ministers, and the Russian name for their assembly was changed for a foreign one. Peter ordered the decisions of the council to be written out, and signed by all the ministers present; and that minutes of their decisions and important papers of all kinds should be sent to him, in whatever part of the empire he might be. In old time, the Streltsi, at Moscow, had been charged with the preservation of the public order. After the dissolution of the Streltsi, the police duties devolved chiefly on the Preobrazhensky regiment. The business of the tribunal at Preobra


zhénsky constantly increased, and included not only police matters, but crimes, and even treasonable acts.

After Peter's return from his Western journey, he established new municipal institutions. At the end of 1708, he divided the whole empire into gubernias, or governments. One of the duties specially enjoined upon the governors set over these was to see that the whole of the revenue was sent to the treasury. In 1709, the revenue was 3,022,128 roubles (£1,259,220, or $6,296,000), while the expenses were 3,834,418 roubles (£1,597,674, or $7,988,000).

A hospital was established at Moscow. New laws were made to protect that city from fire, and in 1703 its parish priests were obliged to keep registers of the births and deaths. A school of mathematics and navigation was established in Moscow, under Scotch professors, in which there were about two hundred pupils. In 1703, a school of a different character, where ancient and modern languages were taught, and a general education was given, was founded by Pastor Gluck, the prisoner of Marienburg and the protector of Catherine. The brothers Tessing, of Amsterdam,

Copyright, 1880, by Eugene Schuyler. All rights reserved.

under their concession, printed Russian | Tsar Alexis, the people had many causes books, which were sold at reasonable rates. In 1703, the first Russian newspaper was published at Moscow.

for discontent; but they threw the blame on Plestchéief, Morózof, and other boyárs and ministers of the Tsar, whom they considered to be the real causes of their troubles. Peter was no longer the demi-god, who remained quietly in his palace, or appeared only in state, ready to interpose to protect his people against the rapacity and injustice of the boyárs. The religiously disposed Russian peasantry were greatly given to apocalyptic teachings, and to explanations of the Biblical mysteries. They had seen the fulfillment of prophecies in Nikon and Alexis, and were ready to be convinced that Peter, with the changes which he had made in the sacred and established order of things, was the true Antichrist. Moscow came to be looked upon as a sinful and unholy Babylon, and all the officials of the Tsar as the servants of Antichrist.

On the death of the Patriarch Adrian, in 1700, the election of a successor was postponed, and the principal charge of the Church was given to Stephan Yavórsky, the metropolitan of Riazán and Murom, with the title of exarch. The patriarchal chancery had, up to this time, had very great powers and jurisdiction over all questions of wills and inheritance, marriage, the settlements of complaints, not only of civilians against ecclesiastics, but of ecclesiastics against civilians. While questions of a purely theological and dogmatic character, and those of church discipline, were left to the metropolitan of Riazán, the general ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as well as the care of the property and the other material interests of the Church, were placed in a new department, created for the purpose, called the Department of Monasteries, under the boyár (afterward count) Iván Alexéievitch Músin-Pushkin. Strict regulations were made and enforced against the monasteries.

On the very day of the proclamation of the war with Turkey, March 6, 1711, a decree was issued creating a Senate, intended to govern the country in the absence of the Tsar. As the council of boyárs had insensibly passed into the Privy Chancery, so now the Senate took the place of this body. It was composed of nine members. By a subsequent decree, every official, whether clerical or lay, military or civil, was instructed to obey the orders of the governing Senate, as they would those of the Tsar, under pain of severe punishment. In case the interests of any private individual were injured by the action of the Senate, the Tsar begged them to be silent during his absence, and on his return to lay before him their complaints, fortified by written proofs, when they would receive full justice, and the guilty would be punished.



GREAT dissatisfaction greeted the innovations of Peter; nevertheless, the distasteful changes continued. The war began; taxation and recruiting bore heavily on all classes, but especially on the peasants. The change in the popular feeling toward the sovereign was very perceptible. In the time of the



THE Southern and south-eastern frontier of Russia contained a population ready, at all times, to follow the lead of agitators. The great rebellions of Russian history all broke out here. In this region, therefore, it was to be expected that the opposition to Peter's reforms and changes would take a stronger form than elsewhere. At Astrakhan, opposition began to show itself against the officials, especially against Rzhevsky, the voievode, who was hated for his cruelty and extortion. A rumor was suddenly spread in the bazaars of Astrakhan that no Russian men would be allowed to marry for seven years; but that all the girls were to be married to the Germans, who were daily expected to arrive from Kazán. The excitement was tremendous. The population resolved to frustrate these plans by marrying their children before the hated Germans arrived, and on Sunday, the 9th of August, a hundred couples were married. The wine and whisky of the wedding-feasts went to the heads of the guests, and that night a band of the populace attacked the Government buildings, and massacred several officials. The voievode was not found until the next day, when he was immediately beheaded. The insurgents organized a gov ernment for the town, in Cossack fashion, and elected Nosof, a merchant of Yarosláv, as their hetman. It was evident that the rising did not have a merely local character.

There was great panic and commotion at Moscow when the news came of the rising. Peter, who was then at Mitau, immediately sent to Astrakhan the field-marshal Sheremétief, with several regiments. Wishing to see whether affairs could not be arranged without the use of force, Peter sent to Astrakhan Kisélnikof, a merchant of that town, to receive the complaints of the citizens, and with promises of mercy. The Tsar's promises had a good effect, and deputies were sent to Moscow from Astrakhan, to state their griefs. Their statement made a deep impression at Moscow. The deputies were sent back with a written promise of amnesty. The Tsar told Sheremétief to avoid, as much as possible, any bloodshed, and use great caution in dealing with the people.

Meanwhile, the army of Sheremétief was still advancing, and he had excepted the leaders of the insurrection from the amnesty. The violent party again got the upper hand, and treated the messenger of Sheremétief with rudeness. When Sheremétief approached the walls, the insurgents, instead of yielding, came out and attacked him. The forces of the field-marshal were too strong for them, and the resistance was short. The Tsar was greatly relieved when the rebellion was finally put down.

the Dnieper, and soon returned with larger bands. The disorder spread toward the center of Russia. Numerous letters of Peter to his friends show his anxiety. At one time, he was on the point of starting himself for the scene of trouble. He ordered Prince Basil Dolgorúky, the brother of the general who had been killed, to march against the insurgents, and "put out the fire, once for all." Dolgorúky was for a time in great perplexity. His troops were deserting, there was great danger for Azof and Taganrog, the Zaporovians were on the march, and he was fettered by changing instructions of the Tsar. The attack on Azof was repulsed, after the Cossacks had succeeded in getting possession of the suburb inhabited by the sailors, and Dolgorúky finally succeeded in beating the Cossacks in detail-for Bulávin had the imprudence to divide his army. Bulávin, in order to escape from some Cossacks who wished to surrender him, blew his brains out.

Early in 1705, symptoms were seen of a commotion amongst the Bashkirs; but a rebellion did not begin until 1708. Order began to be restored in the spring of 1709.

The peasants collected to cut timber and build ships at Voronezh ran away, to escape the heavy work and the fevers which decimated them. Nothing was so hated as the forced labor at Azof, and criminals of every kind left this penal colony for the Don. The army of Sheremétief, in passing from the Volga to Kief, lost large numbers by desertion. The Government demanded from the Don Cossacks the surrender of such deserters and fugitives. Finally, Prince Dolgorúky, with a detachment of soldiers, appeared on the Don. This was an attack on the privileges of the Cossacks, and excited commotion. Dolgorúky was received with all due honor at Tcherkásk; but when he proceeded to arrest the fugitives, a band of Cossacks, under the leadership of Kondráty Bulávin, attacked him on the river Aidar, on the 20th of October, 1707. The Russians were killed, to the last man. The Cossacks who remained loyal to the Government collected, and defeated Bulávin's band. Bulávin sought refuge among the Zaporovians of



As we remember, the declaration of war against Sweden, in 1700, had been put off until the Tsar received news of the signature of peace at Constantinople. Prince Dimitri Galítsyn was sent to Turkey, in 1701, with the ratification of this treaty, and with instructions to try again where Ukráintsef had failed, in getting permission from the Sultan for Russian ships to navigate the Black Sea. But the Minister of Foreign Affairs declared again that the Sultan would sooner open his harem to the Russians than open the Black Sea. The Patriarch of Jerusalem counseled Galítsyn to desist, as he might prevent the ratification of the peace. He explained to him how much the Turks feared the Russian fleet that was building, and what projects they had for blocking the entrance to the Sea of Azof, and building strong fortifications at the straits. By insisting, he would only frighten the Turks more, and the result might be disastrous; whereas, when a strong Russian fleet was finally built, the Tsar could open the Black Sea whenever he pleased, without any permission of the Sultan.

Toward the end of 1701, Peter Andréievitch Tolstói was sent as permanent embassador to the Sultan, Mustapha III., who at that time resided at Adrianople. Tolstói


was instructed to send home frequent and exact information as to the foreign relations of Turkey; the internal politics; the character of the men in power, or likely to obtain it; the military and naval strength and preparations; as to the strength of the Turkish fortresses on the Black Sea; whether there was really any intention of constructing fortifications at the Straits of Kertch, and especially as to the condition and value of the trade with Persia.

The arrival of Tolstói disturbed the Turks. There had never been a permanent Muscovite embassador before. Other embassadors were there, nominally to supervise the commercial affairs of their nations; but the Russians had no commerce. There must be, they thought, some hidden purpose at the bottom of it.

Vizier succeeded vizier. Some were more amiable to Tolstói than others; but his position was always uncomfortable. In 1702, Daltaban Mustapha became vizier. He was bent on a war with Russia, and when the Sultan refused the demands of the Crim Tartars, and even changed the Khan, the vizier privately encouraged them, and urged them to revolt, promising to go to the Crimea with an army, under the pretext of putting them down, when he would join them, and lead them against the Russians. Tolstói, by a liberal use of bribes, succeeded in bringing the intrigues of the vizier to the knowledge of the Sultan's mother. Daltaban was deposed and beheaded, and Rami Mohammed, the former minister of foreign affairs, was appointed in his place. The new vizier treated Tolstói with great courtesy, but two Janizaries still stood at the door of his embassy, and prevented the freedom of his movements.


In August, 1703, Mustapha was dethroned by a rebellion, and replaced by his brother, Ahmed III. Internal troubles made the Turks peacefully inclined. Tolstói was treated with consideration and kindness. But soon, Ahmed III. changed his grand vizier. Tolstoi complained: "The new vizier is very ill-disposed toward me, and my wretched situation, my troubles and fears, are worse than before. Again no one dares to come to me, and I can go nowhere. It is with great trouble that I can send this letter. This is the sixth vizier in my time, and he is the worst of all."

Again he writes: "They ill-treat me in a frightful way, and they shut us all up in our house, and allow no one either to go out or to come in. We have been seven days

almost without food, because they let no one out to buy bread, and it was with difficulty that I succeeded, by great presents, in getting permission for one man to go out to buy food." Tolstói asked permission to resign such an uncomfortable post. But his services were necessary, and Peter wrote him an autograph letter, begging him to remain for a while longer, so flattering to his vanity that it drove all ideas of resignation out of his head.



DIFFICULTIES in the Kuban, between Cossacks and Tartars, excited a hostile feeling at the Porte, in the summer and autumn of 1706. At this time, any inimical manifestation of Turkey was exceedingly dangerous, and the Russians again began to think whether they could not occupy Turkey by exciting her to war against Austria. Tolstoi proposed to act in conjunction with the French embassador, but he speedily found that the French embassador was exciting the Turks, not only against Austria, but against Russia as well. The Turkish Government was, however, not so easily roused to action, and the French schemes fell to the ground. Agents were sent to Constantinople by King Stanislas, but the Polish propositions had no more effect than the French, on the Turks.

The rebellion on the Don, the petition of the Cossacks to the Sultan, and the invasion of Russia by the Swedes, all made the Tsar very nervous about his relations with Turkey. Orders were given to search out any Turkish and Tartar prisoners that had not yet been freed, and give them their liberty. This measure was not approved by Tolstoi, as he thought more was to be gained by a firm and threatening attitude than by a yielding one. He had had some difficulty with the authorities about the arrest of certain Russian merchants who had been selling religious pictures, and thought that no prisoners should be freed in Russia till these men had been set at liberty.

In the spring of 1709, Tolstói was able to assure his Government that, for that year, there was no danger of war. Indeed, while Peter was fearing for his fleet at Azof, the Turks were apprehending an expedition of these very ships from Azof. On the 21st of July, Tolstói, who as yet knew nothing of the battle of Poltáva, wrote that the pres


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ence of the Tsar at Azof had led to the belief that he was about to begin a war, and that this rumor had created the utmost excitement at Constantinople. Many Turks went over into Asia, people cried out in the streets and bazaars that the Muscovite fleet had already entered the Bosphorus, and a rebellion nearly broke out against the Sultan.

The arrival of Charles XII. at Otchakóf threw the Turks into great perplexity. They would have been glad to be rid of him immediately, but their religion and their traditions forbade them to deliver him up to Russia. The violation of the Moldavian frontier by Kropótof, and the capture of Gyllenkrook and of nearly all the Swedes that remained to the King, made the Turks angry, but they had no wish to fight. At the same time, they feared an attack from the Russians, after Polish affairs had been completely arranged. They began strengthening the fortresses, and moved large bodies of troops toward the frontier.

Tolstói succeeded in getting from the Turks the long-delayed ratification of the treaty of 1700, and in making an arrangement with the grand vizier, Ali Pasha, by which the Cossacks should be delivered up, and the King should be accompanied to the frontier by a guard of five hundred Janizaries, where he would be received by a VOL. XXII.-46.

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Russian guard, which would conduct him through Poland to the Swedish frontier, keeping him from all communication with the party of Stanislas. Charles, indignant at finding that he was to be intrusted to Russian guards, Russian guards, succeeded in getting a letter into the hands of the Sultan, accusing Ali Pasha of treason. This had its effect. The grand vizier was removed, and Numan Köprülü was appointed in his stead. The new vizier furnished Charles with four hundred thousand thalers, as a loan without interest, but even he was unwilling to break with Russia, and suggested to the King a safer way out of Turkey, by the way of Austria.

The rumors of war which had been circulated throughout Constantinople began to work, and the Janizaries demanded to be led against Russia. The grand vizier was removed, and replaced by one of more warlike cast, Baltadji Mohammed. At the same time, the Tsar became more pressing in his demand for the exact fulfillment of the new arrangement, complained that the Swedes were still allowed to remain, and that Orlik had been named hetman of the Cossacks, in place of Mazeppa. In October, 1710, he demanded a categorical reply about the expulsion of Charles, but the couriers who brought the Tsar's letter were

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