to be smooth, she at last dared to question him.

"Abdul," she whispered.

"Yah?"

"Where is Ivan? Is n't he coming home to-night?"

"No; never. He has gone many, many miles, further than your Allahforgotten United States."

"How did he go? Why?"

"Who am I to say? He passed on the hands of the wind-that wind which is always blowing. What does the wind care whose candle it darkens? Tonight in the garden Kurd Mirza and Ivan; to-morrow I, fighting the Bulgar pigs; and the day after, you two." He laughed harshly, and put Ann down on the ground. Then he turned to me, quite as though I were an equal. "Miss," he said, "look." holster he took his revolver.

From his

"Observe, there is no smoke upon it.. It was not my hand. Now go in," he ordered. "Dream of all things that are beautiful, but, hut! there is your Aunt Abbie and her own!" He drew himself up and saluted us, then vanished into the night before my aunt and uncle had reached us.

The news of the tragedy had just come to them. They were white with apprehension, and their frightened faces reduced us again to tears. They asked questions that we could not answer, and kissed us when we only wanted to sleep. At last we were alone together. The heavy step of the nurse creaked down the stairs, and the sound of her sniveling ceased. All night the moon had fought a losing battle against the clouds

that hampered her, but now at last, alone, radiant and victorious, she shed her light over the dark city. I suppose the light that fell into the pasha's garden was as brilliant as the light in our little chamber. Through the casement windows blew the cold wind, fresh from the Black Sea, and ruffled the muslin curtains.

"Ann," I said.

"Hum?" purred the little Ann. "I'm not sleepy. Are you? Let's talk."

"All right; what shall we talk about?"

"Let's pretend, Ann."

This aroused the story-teller in her.

"Yes," she assented; "that 's what I was doing-pretending. We'll pretend that it all happened differently—all, all, all. For when Ivan went into the garden, it really was full of all those things that we had planned. And Ivan killed them. There was a princess in the garden, and

"Ann, do you think it was the princess that came out of the door and

"No; I was just thinking that she was the stepmother. Ivan took the princess with him, a long, long ways. They took the ferry to Asia, went to Smyrna, Damascus, and Bagdad, too."

"Ann," I interrupted, "I don't believe we shall ever make that trip." There was a long pause, and I was afraid that my rudeness had offended her; but her voice assured me.

"No, never," she whispered gently. "Gonegone. But I guess I am sleepy; you can pretend for yourself."

ERTAIN of my friends have twitted me not a little over the ambitious inclusion of such a diverse set of subjects in one series of papers, as though any one person could write helpfully on so many fields of interest and action in turn-politics, business, labor, agriculture, education, and what not. The venture does indeed smack of unwarranted assumption unless the editorial purpose that prompted the series is kept in mind. While turning abruptly into a new field in this paper, it is pertinent to restate the purpose and method of this series in a manner that will serve both to defend the series against the charge of a too ambitious scope and to emphasize certain facts and tendencies that require decisive and constructive handling if we are to bring out of this period of readjustment and revaluation more than a helter-skelter confusion of aim and ac

tion.

These papers do not purport to be the work of an expert or authority in the several fields considered. They are frankly the work of a reporter of opinion. They attempt to chart forces and tendencies that are perfectly obvious to all students of these fields, but which are all too frequently unrecognized or ignored by the many who content themselves with framing policies for the moment only. The papers are based upon an exhaustive survey of the vital literature of these several fields, and upon interviews with the men who are doing the most creative thinking in these fields. The series was conceived as having interest and importance at this time because of two facts.

In the first place, intelligent action in politics, business, education, and other fields is frequently indecisive and inadequately informed, not because fundamental thinking has not been done upon the issues involved, but because the creative thought in these fields has appeared here a little and there a little, but nowhere has been summarized and correlated in a manner that affords the average man of action an easy grasp of the essential conclusions arrived at by the best minds of his particular field.

In education and in industry the specialist has dominated the situation for a good term of years. The specialist may be justly proud of his work. But the determination of policy in a democracy requires more than the scattered results of unrelated specialisms. Leadership must rest upon synthesis, a seeing of facts, forces, and tendencies in their interrelation. Now, of all times, we need to draw together the scattered threads of research and creative thought in every department of American life and to attempt to weave them into some enduring fabric of effective policy. We do not wish to fall a victim, as Germany did, to the mechanical logic of specialists who fail to see the full human implications of their facts.

The editors of THE CENTURY thought, therefore, that it would be valuable to present a series of papers that would take the outstanding facts of politics, industry, education, and other fields, together with such proposed new policies as have been judged by the best minds of these fields to have the most valid claim upon our attention, and to set these facts and policies in something approaching, at least, their just rela

tion. It is the purpose of each paper to present to the reader a fairly comprehensive and clear picture of the central problem of the field it surveys. Each paper is designed to meet the need of the reader who wishes to have before him an interpretive survey of the situation in a given field, without himself undertaking to shoulder his way through the literature of the field. Each paper is likewise designed to serve as an introduction to the fuller study of its field. The correspondence that has followed this series indicates that men are more than ever awake to the necessity for a fundamental study of their fields, for an attempt to visualize in their relation the whole set of factors in their field. The paper on "Industrial Politics," which appeared in THE CENTURY for May, brought many letters from business men who frankly confessed that they had never attempted to make a fundamental study of the labor problem, that they had been letting industrial relations drift from one strike to another, pacifying the situation as best they could by alternate plays of resistance and concession, but that the times clearly demand a more statesmanlike procedure; and such statements usually prefaced a request for a complete bibliography of the field of industrial relations. There is ground for far-reaching hope in such indications that men are turning away from the customary American habit of improvising at the moment of crisis or need, and toward the habit of synthetic study and longview formulation of policies.

The second fact that suggested this series of papers is the importance of our tracing the influence of the prevailing social unrest and the freshly awakened democratic intent through the several fields of our national life. That, after all, is the only way by which we can formulate intelligent policies for the years ahead, for every policy that is to be effective must be fitted intelligently to the peculiar demands of our time, and the starting-point for an understanding of our time is a sane reckoning with the social unrest and the democratic advance. This democratic unrest is not a specific something that can be analyzed and studied as the ordinary

movement can be analyzed and studied, as the single-tax or prohibition may be studied, for instance. It is pervasive. It crosses over lines of class and passes through closed doors at will. All fields are open to its insinuating influence. Now it arises in the counting-room, now in the church, and now in the school. It is enforcing a revaluation of values in all directions. To trace its goings in the several fields of our national life is the underlying purpose of these papers. And such a tracing, for all its abstract and theoretical appearance, is of immediately practical value to every man who carries directive or controlling responsibilities in American life.

The trend of the times is away from dependence upon the strong man and in the direction of greater faith in the final sanity of mass action and opinion. It is not, however, the strong man's strength that democracy should curb; it is the strong man's irresponsibility that has caused the trouble in the past. The more democratic we become, the more we shall stand in need of strong leadership. The times ahead will be complex and baffling to all but the spacious-minded men who broadly understand and are at home in a world of conflicting demands and diverse aspirations. And nothing but a new and better liberal education can give us these spacious-minded men and women that the times demand.

IS THE COLLEGE PRODUCING LEADERS?

THERE is nothing to be gained by beating about the bush. Our educational system has not produced, save in brilliant exceptions, broadly educated men and women. As a result we have suffered at the hands of leadership ill equipped for its tasks. As far as clear insight into, and a broad grasp of, public affairs are concerned, we are a woefully superficial people. We simply do not breed enough big men to go around for the political, social, and industrial leadership of the country. Whenever by chance we elect to the Presidency a man of rare intellectual qualities and genuinely broad grasp of public affairs, we immediately begin despairing of an

adequate successor. The tragic shortage of Presidential timber and the all too common spectacle of little men in large places should stimulate us to a fundamental inquiry into the provisions we have made for producing leaders in this country.

Are we doing our best to produce leaders? Has the development of our educational system given us greater or less reason to hope that we shall produce generation after generation the great statesmen, the great lawyers, the great preachers, the great writers, the great journalists, and the great organizers that the nation must have, that the nation will need more than ever during the next generation, when the entire bases of our political, social, and industrial life will be reëxamined? If our educational system is failing to produce an adequate supply of leaders, in what direction is there hope of improvement? To such an inquiry this paper addresses itself. And the inquiry leads directly to the door of the college of liberal arts.

The college of liberal arts has lagged behind every other part of our educational system in the matter of a progressive adaptation of its function and method to the changing needs of the modern world. We have gone far toward the elimination of irrational and obsolete material and methods from our elementary and secondary schools. In this quarter a new educational movement has been going on, but the college has been little touched by it. In the elementary and secondary schools we are beginning to substitute natural for artificial methods of teaching; we are basing educational procedure upon expression rather than upon repression; we are paying more attention to the awakening of interest than to the enforcement of discipline; we are substituting play for drudgery; we are making these schools less a retreat from the world and more a realization of the world; we are correlating learning with life; and we are doing all this as much, if not more, by improved method than by improved material. But these currents of liberation have not swept through the college. We have made unprecedented progress in the development of techni

cal education; we have made provision for increasing the economic efficiency of the average citizen. We have wisely developed vocational education. Our professional schools have undergone progressive readjustment in the interest of greater efficiency, and they secure from their students a concentration and zest unknown to the colleges.

The college stands out starkly as an untouched island in this sea of educational progress and readjustment. There have been changes a-plenty in the curricula of the colleges, of course, but the college remains the most ineffective part of our educational system, the last standing-ground of medievalism in our educational life. And all this in the face of the fact that it lies with the college of liberal arts more than with any other single factor in our national life to give us those seers and prophets, those leaders of vision and organizers of power, without which we can no more play our part in the world of to-morrow than we can exist without sunlight or air. Unless educational statesmanship sees to it that the colleges of the future produce men of leadership, men who are at home in the modern world, men who see in politics more than the immediate measure before the house, men who have the mind and courage to take the long view, then we may as well give up the hope of consistent progress and resign ourselves to a future of drift, halted here and there by an occasional and unaccountable great leader who may arise to think and act for the nation for a brief creative moment. Now, we cannot build an effective and enduring democracy upon mere literacy statistics. Democracy, of all ways of living and working, demands spacious-minded citizens; certainly it demands spacious-minded leaders.

In one of a series of letters written to "The Times" of London H. G. Wells made an effective statement of the fundamental necessity of paying attention to the problem of liberal education in its relation to national leadership in the coming years of readjustment and revaluation. He said:

Quite apart from that technical education which is necessary for the economic effi