Collected and arranged by The American Economist and published by per mission. VIII. 5 U. S. Iron & Tin-Plate Works.. 6 Fleming & Hamilton. 7 Jennings Bros. & Co.. .Brooklyn, N. Y.. Showing the number, names, locations, and capacity of tin-plate establishments in the United States: 3,000 2,000 1,500 1,000 3,000 600 Not given .Niles, Ohio.. Not given .Irondale, Ohio.. 2,000 .Cincinnati, Ohio.. 1,000 .St. Louis, Mo.. This table is made up from actual returns made by the parties to the American Iron and Steel Association of Philadelphia. Several of these concerns were in active operation Oct. 1, 1891, and turning out over 1,000 boxes per day; and most of the others have their plants so nearly completed that they expect to be making tin-plate by January 1, 1892-and yet free traders say that American tin-plate is a myth. LORD SALISBURY-PROTECTIONIST.-The following is a verbatim report of Lord Salisbury's Tariff speech at Hastings. It has created a furore of excitement throughout the United Kingdom and stirred up a storm of adverse and commendatory criticism. It is the natural outcome of the deplorable condition of British trade, which is continually growing worse. He said: There is another matter which occupies our minds, and in which I think the prosperity of the country is greatly involved. I allude to the question of our external trade. After all, this little island lives as a trading island. We could not produce in food stuffs enough to sustain the population that lives in this island, and it is only by the great industries which exist here, and which find markets in foreign countries, that we are able to maintain the vast population by which this island is inhabited. But a danger is growing up. Forty or fifty years ago everybody believed that Free-Trade had conquered the world, and they prophesied that every nation would follow the example of England and give itself up to absolute Free-Trade. The results are not exactly what they prophesied, but the more adverse the results were the more the devoted prophets of Free-Trade declared that all would come right at last. The worse the Tariffs of foreign countries became the more confident were the prophesies of an early victory, but we see now, after many years' experience that explain it, how many foreign nations are raising, one after another, a wall-a brazen wall of Protection-around their shores, which excludes us from their markets, and, so far as they are concerned, do their best to kill our trade, and this state of things does not get better. On the contrary, it constantly seems to get worse. Now, of course, if I utter a word with reference to Free-Trade I shall be accused of being a Protectionist, of a desire to overthrow Free-Trade and of all the other crimes which an ingenious imagination can attach to a commercial heterodoxy. But, nevertheless, I ask you to set yourselves free from all that merely vituperative doctrine, and to consider whether the true doctrine of Free-Trade carries you as far as some of these gentlemen would wish you to go. Every true religion has its counterpart in inventions and legends and traditions, which grow upon that religion. The old Testament has its Canonical books and had also its Talmud and its Mishnah, the inventions of rabbinical commentators. There are a Mishnah and a Talmud constantly growing up. One of the difficulties we have to contend with is the strange and unreasonable doctrine which these rabbis have imposed upon us. If we look abroad into the world we see it. In the office which I have the honor to hold I am obliged to see a great deal of it. We live in an age of a war of Tariffs. Every nation is trying how it can, by agreement with its neighbor, get the greatest possible Protection for its own industries, and at the same time the greatest possible access to the markets of its neighbors. This kind of negotiation is continually going on. It has been going on for the last year and a half with great activity. I want to point out to you that what I observe is that while A is very anxious to get a favor of B and B is anxious to get a favor of C, nobody cares two straws about getting the commercial favor of Great Britain. [Cheers.] What is the reason for that? It is that in this great battle Great Britain has deliberately stripped herself of the armor and the weapons by which the battle has to be fought. You cannot do business in this world of evil and suffering on those terms. If you go to market you must bring money with you. If you fight, you must fight with the weapons with which those you have to contend against are fighting. It is not easy for you to say "I am a Quaker; I do not fight at all; I have no weapon,' and to expect that people will pay the same regard to you and be as anxious to obtain your good will and to consult your interests as they will be of the people who have retained their armor and still hold their weapons. ["Hear! hear!"] The weapon with which they all fight is admission to their own markets-that is to say, A says to B, "If you will make your duties such that I can sell in your markets I will make my duties such that you can sell in my market." But we begin by saying we will levy no duties on anybody, and we declare that it would be contrary and disloyal to the glorious and sacred doctrine of Free-Trade to levy any duty on anybody for the sake of what we can get by it. [Cheers.] It may be noble, but it is not business. [Loud Cheer.] On those terms you will get nothing, and I am sorry to have to tell you that you are practically getting nothing. [Laughter.] The opinion of this country, as stated by its authorized exponents, has been opposed to what is called a retaliatory policy. [A voice, "No, no."] Oh, but it has. We, as the government of the country, have laid it down for ourselves as a strict rule from which there is no departure, and we are bound not to alter the traditional policy of the country unless we are convinced that a large majority of the country is with us [cheers], because in these foreign affairs consistency of policy is beyond all things necessary. [Cheers.] But, though this is the case, still if I may aspire to fill the office of a councillor to the public mind, I should ask you to form your own opinions without reference to traditions or denunciations, not to care two straws whether you are orthodox or not, but to form your opinions according to the dictates of common sense-I would impress upon you, that if you intend in this conflict of commercial treatise to hold your own, you must be prepared if need be to inflict upon the nations that injure you the penalty which is in your hands, that of refusing them access to your markets. [Loud and prolonged cheers, and a voice, "Common sense at last."] There is a reproach in that interruption, but I have never said anything else-[laughter]— but there is a great difficulty. The power we have most reason to complain of is the United States, and what we want the United States to furnish us with mostly are articles of food essential to the feeding of the people, and raw materials necessary to our manufactures, and we cannot exclude one or the other without serious injury to ourselves. Now, I am not in the least prepared, for the sake of wounding other nations, to inflict any dangerous or serious wound upon ourselves. We must confine ourselves, at least for the present, to those subjects on which we should not suffer very much, whether the importation continued or diminished. But what I complain about of the rabbis of whom I have just spoken, is that they confuse this vital point. [Cheers.] They say that everything must be given to the consumer. Well, if the consumer is the man who maintains the industries of the country or is the people at large I agree with the rabbis. You cannot raise the price of food or raw material, but there is an enormous mass of other articles of importation from other countries besides the United States which are mere matter of luxurious consumption-[Cheers]—and if it is a question of wine or silk or spirits or gloves or lace, or anything of that kind-[a voice: "Hops?" and cheers]-yes,there is a good deal to be said for hops-but in those cases I should not in the least shrink from diminishing the consumption and interfering with the comfort of the excellent people who consume these articles of luxury, for the purpose of maintaining our rights in this commercial war, and of insisting on our rights of access to the markets of our neighbors. [Cheers.] This is a very herterodox doctrine, I know, and I should be excommunicated for maintaining it. [Laughter.] I am not sure at all that you will escape a similar anathema, and therefore I warn you of the risks you are incurring in listening to me. [Laughter.] But as one's whole duty is to say what he thinks to the people of this country, I am bound to say that our rabbis have carried the matter too far. We must distinguish between consumer and consumer, and while jealously preserving the rights of a consumer who is co-extensive with a whole industry, or with the whole people of the country, we may fairly use our power over an importation which merely ministers to luxury, in order to maintain our own in this great commercial battle.-New York World, May 21. All Republican Presidents Protectionists... American Trade Marks on foreign goods, prohibited by the McKinley Act.. Agassiz, Prof. Anecdote of.. A woman's spirited opinion of political lying. Benefits from the Tariff of 1789.. 56 65 65 60 64 21 Buchanan's, President. Opinions of tariff of 1846. Bryce, Prof. Opinion of American wealth, and its general distribution..... 76 38 9 California Gold, effect upon Tariff of 1846... Citations. D. H. Mason, p. 8, 14, 15, 16, 17 76 68 .68, 75 39 .9-18 See Appendix tables II and III. Cleveland's Free Trade Message. See Tariff of 1883.. Definitions. Tariff, what is a... Distress. From Free Trade under Confederacy, 1783-1789... 56 39 7 7 7 13-16 De Pew, C. M. Opinion of the Liar in Politics. Democrats opposed to Protection and favorable to Free Trade, as shown by .39-40 64 Employment for laborer Helped by Protection Tariff. Party described by G. W. Curtis. Difference between McKinley Tariff and English Tariff. How they affect laborers....... Drawback of 99 per cent. allowed by McKinley Tariff. Embargo Act, not a Tariff measure. 56 67 65 21 33 50 |