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Mr. Cleveland permitted it to become a the completion of the movement was one law without his signature. Yet, as I have of the most important consequences of our said, the bill is called the Wilson Bill, and own revolution against the crown. Notis pointed to by his political opponents as withstanding the attractiveness of Montesa consequence of Mr. Cleveland's adminis- quieu's philosophy, and its influence upon tration. Mr. Cleveland was charged with the framers of our Constitution, the politithe disastrous results of the silver agitation cal instinct of the race favors a connection partly because of that blind passion which between the legislative and executive deleads its victim to strike at the first head partments. There is also firmly implanted that comes in his way, and partly because, in us the feeling that some one should be by the end of Mr. Cleveland's administra- held responsible for what the government tion, the Democratic party had allied itself does or for what it fails to accomplish. with the movement for the free coinage of The constitution and development of Consilver. In a word, it was really the party gress have, thus far at least, failed to bring that was attacked in this instance, but in forth a system under which any man or any the other instance, that of the tariff legis- party can be held thus responsible. On the lation of 1894, the President was regarded contrary, irresponsibility has been the outas the party leader, and it is as party leader growth of the working of our legislative that the chief executive is coming more institutions. and more to be instinctively regarded by For lack of another responsible person, the country,
and because, since Washington's day, the Mr. McKinley always insisted that it is President has almost invariably felt comthe duty of the President to refrain from pelled to try to influence Congress, the interfering with the functions of the legis- country holds him responsible for legislalature. He tried to place upon Congress tive failures. This is not only contrary to the responsibility for declaring war against the intent of the Constitution, but it is unSpain, but the people praised him or criti- just and harmful. It is unjust, because the cized him for that war, according as they President has no actual power over Confavored or opposed it. Moreover, notwith- gress, as Congress has over him. It may standing his oft-declared principle of non- be said that he has the veto power. This interference, he could not refrain, for actual is true, but the only executive power which conditions were against his theory. Just is really effective in bringing to terms an as the country looked to Mr. Cleveland, obstructive legislature is the power to disand was not disappointed, to compel the solve. Sometimes the veto is effective, repeal of the law commanding silver pur- sometimes it is not. Jackson's veto prechases, so Mr. McKinley was looked to by vented the rechartering of the United the protected interests to secure the passage States Bank; Johnson's vetoes only whetof the Dingley Law, while, at a later time, ted the appetite of Congress for pugnahe himself felt it to be his duty to endeavor cious opposition. •As the government is to secure free trade for Porto Rico. It is constituted, Mr. McKinley's theory of the from Mr. Roosevelt now that the oppo- relations that should exist between the two nents of trusts expect a stringent anti-trust branches is the proper one; as the governlaw, and although he has ostensibly left the ment is worked, the practice of the Presiframing of the bill to Congress, it is gen- dents is natural. erally believed that he has taken part in this Still, although the President will probtask, just as he was busy in 1902 in an ably always endeavor to induce or to force effort to secure legislation for the benefit Congress to adopt his policy, he can acof Cuba. Indeed, in respect of the trust complish his end with the ordinary Conlegislation, Senator Hoar has complained gress only by bargaining, or by means of a of the President's activity.
sharp contest in which he will be victorious It is evident that the attempt to separate if he can arouse the interest of the country the executive from the legislative depart- and secure its alliance. He may purchase ment of the government has not succeeded. support by a distribution of patronage, and The first step toward the actual termina- it is herein that the present condition is tion of the theoretical separation of the harmful; or he may bring public clamor departments of government in England about the ears of congressmen, although was taken in the Act of Succession, but in doing so he endangers the continuance of his influence with the leaders of his party out a compliant Congress, he may easily in and out of Congress.
and legally be prevented from taking meaAt exceptional times the President may sures adequate to the national defense. be the leader of his party; Jackson was, It is true, also, that under the law and and Roosevelt may be: but, as a rule, the in ordinary times—that is, most of the President is not really a party leader, and time—the President cannot exercise his the moment he is elected, that moment he appropriate executive functions as he will, is more than likely to find the party leaders nor can he meet the expectations of the in Congress censorious, critical, obstruc- country. Congress usurps his powers, or tive, and occasionally hostile. The effort limits them, and will not listen to him. to make the departments independent of Most of the time our government is almost one another has resulted in promoting mu- wholly that of Congress. Reforms in detual jealousies. Whatever may be the atti- tails of administration or in matters of seemtude of Congress toward him, however, the ing importance that ought to be possible President feels compelled to urge legisla- in a day are made the subjects of annual tion in furtherance of his policy. When he discussions during the lives of several Conthinks that policy momentous, he trades gresses. Comparatively powerless as the and lectures. He distributes favors; he fathers intended the President to be, he is calls leaders to the White House; he pleads less than the intention. Speaking in the for himself, for his party, and for the coun- Constitutional Convention on the subject try: and he is more likely to fail than to of the proposal to make Congress and the succeed unless the country is clearly with President independent of each other, Madihim; in that event Congress yields to the son expressed the opinion that "experience voters, not to the Chief Magistrate. But has proved a tendency in our governments whether he succeeds or fails, the country to throw all power into the legislative vorholds him responsible. Notwithstanding The executives of the States," he the fact that he has no power whatever to continued, “are little more than ciphers, compel Congress to take affirmative action, the legislatures omnipotent.” Hamilton, he is charged with its unpopular failures; writing in the "Federalist" on the same notwithstanding his impotence to prevent subject and somewhat betraying his fears the passage of a bill in favor of which are for the future, said: “To what purpose two thirds of each house, he is charged separate the executive or the judiciary from with its unpopular performance.
the legislative, if both the executive and The President is denied the right to the the judiciary are so constituted as to be at free exercise of the powers which are essen- the absolute devotion of the legislative ? tially executive, and the power necessary ... It is one thing to be subor ate to to meet the unjust responsibility which the the laws, and another to be dependent on country places upon him has not been be- the legislative body.” The tendency destowed upon him. His influence in some scribed by the one remained, and the evil directions is enormous; he commands the foreseen by the other has grown. respect of the people; his office is one of There was a time for the making of laws great dignity. If he himself is dignified, for the defense of human liberty against he shares in the feeling which is manifested tyranny; there has come a time for the for his office; if he has courage and is right, administration of law that the democracy he can command the support of the coun- may be as efficient for good government try against Congress, especially against the as it has been beneficent for the protection Senate, to such an extent that his policy and advancement of the individual. There will triumph. Of such courage and its is little need for new laws; there is much consequences there is no better illustration need for the repeal of hampering and bad than that afforded by Mr. Cleveland's de- laws. The executive should be freed from termined effort to save the country from the irons with which he was bound by the the consequences of the latest silver-pur- eighteenth century in behalf of rising manchase act. In times of national peril the hood, and he should be also relieved from President becomes a dictator, and may act the impositions and usurpations which have contrary to the law without serious ques- developed from ancient principles diverted tion; but if a time shall ever come when, into modern prejudices. We are no longer in a crisis, the President finds himself with- dependent for our liberties upon the lawmakers, but upon the courts. We no longer as time goes on. This being true, it will dread the tyranny of the executive, for eventually be essential to give to the Presi
, the courts are above him also, to restrain dent the power which ought to accompany and to punish. In the increasing com- responsibility. The people of this country plexities of our civilization, government are too intensely practical to consent for has become, mainly by reason of our inat- all time to an ineffective executive, and tention to it, the least responsible of our some day they will realize that what the institutions. It is necessary to concentrate President may now do despite the law, he popular attention, and to this end respon- should be able to do, when the occasion sibility must be established. The sentiment arises, under the law, for the ultimate truth which loads the President with responsi- is that the law must reign or democracy is bility is instinctive, and it will strengthen a failure.
From trapping-fields of the farther His leap was swift as a lynx's leap;
He lay in ambush, crouching low, Down swollen rivers his swift canoe, He felled a man with a savage blow, Impatient as a lover, flew
And left him there with a cry in his ears Flew ever faster as 't were part
The fierce lynx-cry that the forest fears. Of André's joyous, eager heart, And knew, like his heart, of his Suzanne, The searchers fled the wood and told And leapt with love like the heart of a Of screams that made the blood run cold,
Told of something half lynx, half man,
That through the dusk of spruces ran. Suzanne and André walked in the wood, Where odors of May were fresh and But there was one who was not afraid, good;
So love makes bold the tenderest maid, A stir on the mosses caught their eyes- And as Suzanne watched still in the fir, “Look, a lynx-cub!” the voyageur cries. Sure that her lover would listen to her,
Her eyes are fixed in a frightened stare. She saw a shape that lurked apart, " André, turn! what crouches there!” And cried aloud the love in her heart: A Aash through the leaves and André "Hear me, André! for I am true! sinks,
Be you man or lynx, I 'll go with you!” Struck to the ground by a fierce shelynx.
He started as if her voice had brought
Back the wandering currents of thought, Wounded, he lay a day in his bed, As if her voice had power to right Then to the depths of sprucewood fled : The brain made mad by the lynx's bite. In vain the neighbors, circling back, The fierceness faded from his eyes — Sought to trace the voyageur's track; “Tell me, Suzanne; I heard your cries, They only found where a lynx had crept And then I fell, and darkness came; And killed a red deer as it slept,
What happened here? And who 's to They only heard a strange wild cry
blame Where dark the fir-tree shadows lie. For all the horror of my wild dream
Of prowling beast and lynx's scream?" But André now through the forest ranged Wild as a man to a wild lynx changed; Each year André to the North went back, He could see a grouse in tallest tree, But never lynx-pelt was in his pack; No fox had sharper ears than he,
And if in the dusk an old lynx cried, No panther's looks were fiercer when He would shudder and draw Suzanne to It circled the camps of sleeping men;
THE CAREERS OF SCHOLARLY
MEN IN AMERICA
BY PROFESSOR EDWARD L. THORNDIKE
Teachers College, Columbia University, New York
F we take year by year a body a student who gave years to the task and
of young men who represent the had access to exact information concernbest scholarship of the college ing the lives of the college graduates of
graduates of that year, we shall the last fifty years, could hope to present have a body of men who represent with absolutely accurate statements on reasonable accuracy the most scholarly subject. My data, taken from the catayoung men of that year in college and logue of 1900, are subject to the factors out. If we find what changes have taken of error and ignorance influencing it. For place in the careers they choose, as we the most part these are such as to counpass down from 1850 to the present day, teract one another, and the figures I shall we shall know whether any given profes- present may be taken as reliable within, sion is gaining or losing in attractiveness say, ten per cent. of their amount. The to that type of men. The amount of its general tendencies shown are reliable begain or loss we may measure by the in- yond question. crease or decrease in the number of such We may best begin by studying the men choosing it. For this class of schol- changes in the attitude of Phi Beta Kappa arly young men I have taken those gradu- men toward various careers from 1850 to ates of representative colleges who have 1895, and then attempt to determine what been elected to Phi Beta Kappa. I have the careers of Phi Beta Kappa men are traced the later careers of 5283 such men to-day, and what they are likely to be in from the class of 1840 to the class of 1900. the near future.
By a scholarly man is meant a man who There is a remarkable uniformity in the has the ability to acquire and think about percentage of Phi Beta Kappa men enterknowledge, and who puts that ability in ing the four leading professions. The peraction. It is a narrower term than “an centages by five-year periods, from 1840 intellectual man,” and much narrower than to 1900, vary only from 64 to 68. What“a man of mental ability.” Of scholarship ever growth has taken place in the peras just defined, the college graduates who centage of college graduates, in general, each year are elected into Phi Beta Kappa who enter business and industrial careers are, with few exceptions, the possessors. has influenced the interests and motives of The Phi Beta Kappa badge is a recognized the most scholarly section only to the very mark of scholarship; it is an emblem that slight extent that in the twenty-five years a majority of college professors, for in- from 1870 through 1894 1.5 per cent. stance, are glad to wear. If any one fewer enter the professions than did from doubts the appropriateness of Phi Beta 1840 to 1865. This difference is so slight Kappa membership as a test of scholarship, as to be as likely to be due to chance let him compare the scholarly attainments variation as to any real tendency. There in after life of the Phi Beta Kappa men seem to be certain innate propensities in in any ten college classes with those of the the scholarly make-up which direct its other members, and he will soon be con- activities in spite of notable changes in verted.
outside circumstances. No one, save an omniscient observer or If the attitude of Phi Beta Kappa men