Persian Majesty is wasting in enterprises which, even if success- 1838 ful, can neither contribute to the stability of his Throne, nor to the prosperity of his kingdom, resources which every friend of Persia must desire to see employed in maintaining the internal tranquillity, and providing for the security of His Persian Majesty's Empire; and notwithstanding the desire which the British Government has ever felt and substantially evinced to add to the strength and security of Persia, Her Britannic Majesty would not consider herself justified in continuing to afford assistance to Persia if it is to be directed by the Persian Government against its neighbours, and to be employed, not for purposes of defence, for which alone it was intended, but for purposes of aggression or territorial aggrandisement.

The Undersigned has the honour further to state, that the British Government cannot view with indifference the persevering attempt of His Persian Majesty to subdue, to overturn, or to disturb all the existing Governments in the various States or Prin cipalities which intervene between the Persian frontier and the British dominions in India; and that it cannot regard the policy which the Persian Government has lately pursued in these parts, as conducive to the true interests of Persia, consistent with the spirit of her Treaty with England, or calculated to give a character of cordiality or stability to the alliance which has so long, and hitherto so happily, subsisted between the Sovereigns of Great Britain and Persia. His Persian Majesty's Ministers are well aware that the object which Great Britain proposed to herself in her alliance with Persia, and the purpose of the stipulations of the Treaty which established that alliance, were the tranquillity and security of these frontiers, and their protection from the disturbing attempts of other nations; but now the Persian Government itself becomes the cause of producing the very evils which it was the object of the alliance, and the chief purpose of the Treaty to prevent.

The Undersigned is unwilling in this place to touch on a va¬ riety of circumstances not unknown to the Persian Government, which have occurred within the last two years, and which assuredly have not tended to give the British Government greater confidence in the feelings or intentions of the Government of Persia; but the Undersigned feels himself called upon especially to mention an official letter from the Persian Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, in which it is distinctly announced, in the name of the Shah, that the Persian Government no longer considers itself bound to fulfil the stipulations of the Treaty with England. The Undersigned was willing to believe that this statement was made by mistake; but to the letter in which he required an explanation of this remarkable assertion, the Persian Government did not even deign to vouchsafe a reply. Nevertheless it is still the anxious desire of Her Britannic Majesty's Ministers to see every cause of coldness and alienation between the Governments speedily removed, and to feel themselves again at liberty, without fear of injuring the interests of their own nation, to afford to Persia the full support and the assistance which they are reluctantly compelled in the present position of affairs to withhold.

1838

In conclusion, the Undersigned begs leave to express a hope that His Persian Majesty, consulting the real interests of his own kingdom and those of his alliance with England, may still be induced to conclude an equitable arrangement with the Government of Herat, and to abstain from causing further disorder on these frontiers; thus putting an end to hostilities, and preventing the effusion of much innocent blood, from which Persia can ultimately derive no advantage. He hopes that His Persian Majesty will prefer the ascertained advantages of a cordial alliance with Great Britain, to the very questionable and temporary gratification which His Persian Mejesty may hope to derive from prosecuting an enterprise, in which success could now bring him no accession of renown, but in which, if he presses it further, a failure, which is the more probable result, cannot but tarnish the reputation of his arms, and may not improbably lead to other evils of greater magnitude.

The Undersigned, at all times desirous not only to preserve entire, but to draw more close the bonds of friendship and unity between the British and Persian nations, which he has spent the greater part of his life in endeavours to strengthen and improve, trusts that the reply of the Persian Ministers to this communication wiil be such as to give him confidence in the cordiality and stability of the friendship which has hitherto united the two nations, and will relieve him from the anxiety he feels lest his zealous labours for twenty years in the service of this State should prove to have been of no avail.

The Undersigned, with sentiments of the highest consideration for His Persian Majesty's Ministers, has the honour to be, etc. Camp before Herat, April 24, 1838.

(Signed)
II.

JOHN MC Nbill.

Letter from Meerza Ali, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs, to His Excellency Mr. Mc. Neill.

The Ministers of the Persian Government in answer to the Letter of His Excellency Mr. Mc Neill, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the Government of Great Britain and India, beg leave to state, that in respect to the question_with the Affghans of Herat, the Persian Government was not willing that His Excellency should take the trouble of coming to, or remaining in the royal camp, or of discussing these matters either verbally or by written official communications: according to the existing Treaty it is necessary that the Ministers of the Persian Government should furnish His Excellency with an official document to enable him to mediate in these matters; but nothing of this kind has been done.

His Excellency himself proposed to visit the fortress in order to ascertain the views and desires of the Affghans, and to hear what they had to say for themselves, who had inflicted so much injury of all kinds on the Persian Government, carrying off its subjects into slavery, plundering its property, removing its wande

ring tribes; and who had never ceased to do all in their power 1838 to ruin Khorassan. The Persian Government, after the urgent requests of His Excellency, consented to his making these inquiries in consideration of the friendship between the States. After His Excellency's return from the fortress, it became apparent that this permission had become the means of increasing the strength of the Affghans. Formerly they had consented to give indemnity for injuries, which they now refused.

With regard to what His Excellency has written respecting Prince Kamran acknowledging Herat to be a dependence of Persia, it is indeed evident and apparent to the whole world that Herat is one of the cities of Khorassan, and is represented as such in the maps of all countries, and this fact is stated without concealment in the histories of all States.

Amongst the evidences of this are their own papers which were brought to Tehran by Futteh Mahommed Khan; and the authority of Prince Kamran is derived from a Firman of His late Majesty Futteh Ali Shah. The Affghans themselves do not deny that Prince Kamran came to the presence of His late Majesty Futteh Ali Shah, at Tehran, and after making submission, received by Firman the Government of Herat. If the friendship of the British Government with the Affghans be made the means of separating this country from Persia, so, as the British Government, in consequence of the friendship between the States, has intercourse with all parts of Persia, ought all those parts in like manner to be separated from Persia?

Although it is stipulated in the existing Treaty that the British Government shall not, in the event of a war, concern itself with the Affghans, nevertheless the Persian Government, in consideration of the friendship between the States, remained silent, and did not forbid communication.

Hitherto the Affghans have never regarded themselves as an independent State, having repeatedly made submission, and giveu Peesh-kush.

In like manner, in the year of the decease of the late heir apparent, when His present Majesty succeeded as heir to the throne, he came to these parts, and at that time never did they (the Affghans of Herat) assert such pretensions, nor did other Governments put forward such statements as these.

The Persian Government has never requested the British Government to become a party in obtaining the restitution of prisoners (slaves) or tribes, or in relieving these countries from the disturbances of this people, although it (the Persian Government) is always desirous in time of need, when any one without just cause should attack the Persian Territory, that the British Government, in consideration of the friendship between the States, should to the utmost of its ability prevent the aggression, and render assistance to the Persian Government.

The British Government, in its exceeding kindness and anxiety on our account, have not deemed it advisable that the resources of the Persian Government should be expended on trifling occasions. This is supposing that the territory of Persia be secure from plunder and rapine, slavery, massacre, and destruction, that

1838 then the Government should occupy itself in the improvement of other places.

At the present moment, when one hundred thousand Persian subjects are in the slave markets of Toorkistan, and countries have been utterly destroyed, delay in punishing the offenders would be to sacrifice the existing resources of the country, and to diminish its resources for the future.

How can the British Government, notwithstanding the present friendship and alliance between the States, consent to this disturbance and ruin in the Persian territory, that there should be not repose in the country, which is conquered, and trodden down, and oppressed on all sides?

If it (the British Government) is satisfied with this state of things, it is evident that it has some other object. It will then be necessary for the Persian Government to consider by what means it can remedy the evil, and after it has dispatched a judicious and intelligent Envoy, and having heard such statements from the Ministers of the British Government, to take some other means for its own protection and security. The Persian Government has no other object in view at present, than the tranquillity of its frontiers, and the prevention of plunder and slavery. In 'the same manner, as it did last year with the Turcomans of the Goorgaun and the Attruck, so this year it must carry into effect its determination of preventing the disturbances of the Affghans of Herat, and the Turcomans of Merve and the adjacent parts.

If the execution of these designs should be regarded by foreign States as contrary to the true interests of Persia, and a cause of offence to themselves, to what can this be attributed?

If in consequence of these trifling matters, with which other Governments are undoubtedly acquainted, the British Government should feel a want of confidence and security, and should attribute them to other intentions, it will be apparent that the British Government does not desire the stability of this Government, and it (the British Government) will become the cause of bad feeling between the Governments. Let it not be supposed that the Persian Government will let this matter remain unknown, or fail to communicate it to other Governments. With regard to certain writings, although the writer failed to express himself accurately, and to convey his meaning distinctly, yet as the words he used contained nothing that could evince unfriendly feeling on our part, it should not be attributed to any unfriendly motive. The true meaning was, that the Ministers of the British Government, without the sanction of their Government, with a view to their own interests, will not carry into effect certain stipulations of the existing Treaty; but whenever it is to their interest, they say that they are ordered to carry them into effect, and without any bond or obligation from this Government. But on the part of the Ministers of the Persian Government, thanks be to God, no word or letter of the existing Treaty has been perverted or violated; and henceforth, so long as this Government shall exist, nothing shall be done contrary to existing Treaties with any Government; indeed it is evident that to act in violation of a Treaty is unworthy of the dignity of mighty sovereigns.

If certain Ministers and Envoys, for their own purposes, should 1838 misrepresent things to their own Governments, no doubt the misunderstanding will be easily removed, and no signs of coolness or decrease of friendship will at any time, or in any way be displayed.

With regard to the request which His Excellency has made to the Ministers of the Persian Government, that just and equitable terms may be accorded to the people of Herat, and that thus hostilities may be terminated, and the shedding of innocent blood prevented, the plain answer is this, that in perfect friendship between the States, and His Excellency, a wise and learned person, being on the spot, if the object be to put an end to the war it is necessary that the Ministers of the Persian Government should acquire a feeling of perfect security with respect to these parts, and then return; and that is conditional upon the restitution of prisoners; the restoration to their own land of the wandering Tribes that have been removed from (Persian) Khorassan; the giving security to the Persian Government, either by hostages or trustworthy guarantee, that whether in prosperity or adversity, in tranquillity or trouble, the Affghans shall take no step that may cause uneasiness to our minds, and that they shall not be rebellious subjects: otherwise so long as it may be in the power of the Persian Government, it will not cease its endeavours to obtain this security.

And on this account no diminution or loss of friendship shall in any way be caused. Indeed after these hostilities have been put a stop to, they (the British Ministers) will have reason to feel assured, that in consideration of the extreme friendship between the States, they ought to have afforded us ample assistance and support in the prosecution of this enterprise; now that they have withheld it, they are themselves the best judges.

His Excellency need feel no anxiety or uneasiness on this account. Let him consider the stipulations of the existing Treaty more binding than in former times, and let him feel assured that every day of the twenty years during which His Excellency has faithfully served the two States, will in the eye of affection appear as one or even two hundred years, and will all be acceptable and agreeable to the exalted States.

(Sealed by)

MEERZA ALI.

2 Month of Suffer, A. H., 1254. corresponding with April 27. 1838.

III.

Letter addressed by His Excellency Mr. Mc Neill to the Ministers of the Persian Government.

I have had the honour to receive the answer of the Ministers of the Persian Government to my letter, and have thoroughly understood its contents.

My object in writing that letter was to afford information to the Ministers of the Persian Government, in consequence of my instructions to that effect; and now that my communication has been answered in this mannner, I shall of course forward the anNouv. Série. Tome VII.

I'