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unity, will be displayed on all the state buildings throughout the kingdom.

(4) The separate flags, Serbian, Croatian, and Slovene, have the same right and may be freely displayed on all occasions; the same holds true for the separate coatsof-arms.

(5) The three national terms, Serbian, Croatian, and Slovene, are equal before the law throughout the whole kingdom, and every one shall have the privilege to use any of them on all occasions of public life, and employ them before all authorities.

(6) Both alphabets, Cyrillic and Latin, are reciprocally recognized, and every one shall be entitled to their unrestricted use throughout the whole kingdom; the royal administration shall have the right, and the local autonomous authorities shall be obliged, to use the same at will, according to the inclinations of the respective peoples.

kingdom shall be equal and have the same rights toward the state and before its laws.

(12) The election of representatives to the national parliament shall be universal, equal, direct, and secret. This manner of voting shall be applied to municipal elections as well as to other administrative bodies. The voting shall take place in each community.

(13) The Constitution, which shall be framed by the constituent assembly convoked especially for this purpose by equal, universal voting, shall be the basis for the whole public life of the state; it shall be the beginning and the end of all authority, and the fundamental right according to which all state activity is regulated. The constitution will give to the people the possibility of developing its individual activities in the local autonomous administrations, as instituted by natural, social, and economic conditions. The constitution shall be voted upon and adopted in its entity by such a numerical majority as may be resolved by the constituent assembly. The constituent assembly as well as the laws framed by it shall become valid. only with the sanction of the king.

(7) All recognized religions shall be freely and openly professed; the Orthodox, Catholic, and Mohammedan sects, which are preponderantly established among our people, shall be equal and have equal rights in regard to the state; and in view of that, the lawgiver shall see to it that religious peace shall be secured in accordance with the spirit and tradition of all the people. (8) The calendars shall be equalized ing, which is threatened by numerous difas soon as possible.

(9) The territory of the Kingdom of the Serbs, the Croats, and the Slovenes shall be understood to include all lands in which this people, under three names, live indivisibly in great aggregates; all separatism is to be regarded as detrimental to the vital interest of unity. This people does not in any way desire anything belonging to others. They wish to be free and united. For this reason they energetically refuse any partial solution of the problem of their liberation in connection with the unification of Serbia and Montenegro into one state.

(10) The Adriatic Sea shall be at the disposal of all nations as free and open to all people having interests there.

(11) All citizens throughout the whole

Such is the completion of the new state in its beginning. It remains to be seen what will result from this new embark

ficulties. Most important is the query, What will the powers think of this new move, which must have international affiliations?

Austria-Hungary's voice has long been heard. There is no need to require much more than a restatement of historical events since the assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand in order to cast a light upon the opinion which this South Slavic happening produces in Austria. Even before the advent of the declaration, Austrian opinion was divided on this subject. It is well known that Germans, Slavs, and Hungarians formed the component parts of the Austro-Hungarian Empire when Francis Ferdinand gave birth to the idea of a triple monarchy to satisfy the aspirations toward autonomy of those three parts.

But the Slavs, wishing complete independence more than a mere sop to their vanity, would have none of that idea. The Berchtold foreign ministry, which had in some measure favored this scheme, fell from power with the battle defeats of the Austro-Hungarian forces in Serbian territory and the failure of its policy in the Balkans. The successor, Stephen Burian, formerly administrator of Bosnia-Herzegovina, was placed as a link in the strengthening of the German chain; but, like his own successor, Clam-Martinic, whose idea was state consolidation regardless of the openly expressed dissatisfaction of the Bohemians and Poles, had to give way before a force which was continually augmenting. The recognition of this force toward irruption and democracy Emperor Charles partly glimpsed, for the fall of Germanophile Tisza, the Hungarian premier, was only an indication of an opposing order of things. In May, 1917, the Slavs in the Reichsrath en bloc gave stirring declaration to the principle of liberty and democracy demanded by their constituents. The "Neue Freie Presse" and the "Neues Wiener Tagblatt" (May 31) combatted this view. However, the Slav delegates remained. strong in their views that the old order must be changed according to the spirit manifested over all great Russia, over China, from the Baltic Sea to the Pacific Ocean, where democracy is ruling, while Austria still remains unchanged. The declaration of Jugoslavia heralded democracy; into the formation of that document were woven the spirit of the American Declaration of Independence and the experience of the French Republic. But Austria does not view such democracy as separate from her empire. Since the date of the declaration the royal and imperial monarchy has officially proclaimed that, although she does not oppose the idea of Jugoslavia, yet she contends that that state. shall be under her protectorate or sovereignty.

But what of allegiance to the claims of nationalism when a conflict arises between just this recent Jugoslavia and one of the

very group of powers urging guaranties of democracy? Italy's position will be the most questionable in the Entente reception of the Jugoslav state. However, considering Lloyd George's pledges of support for Serbia given to Premier Pashich, it can well be seen that conflicting claims of new Jugoslavia and Italy could be healed. Guglielmo Ferrero points out a factor often overlooked-Slav coöperation with Italian in developing the Adriatic. Let the partition of the Adriatic now be transverse instead of longitudinal; let it be at cross-sea industry reviving days of Venice. As for the province of Istria, as well as certain cities and colonies along the Adriatic Sea that Italy lays claim to possess in the course of time par voie d'infiltration, their future ought to be decided by plebiscite. Indeed, it is possible to read into the proclamation of Jugoslavia an interpretation of the knotty points. Clause Ninth says: "The territory of the Kingdom of the Serbs, the Croats, and the Slovenes shall be understood to include all lands in which our people, under three names, live indivisibly in great aggregates." This clause probably would renounce for Jugoslav territory those places where Slavs live in slight aggregates compared with the Italians. In cases of extreme ambiguity it may not be far fetched to suggest internationalization for such cities as Triest, Fiume, and Zadar, in the sense in which Hamburg, Bremen, and Lübeck were in the days of the Hanseatic League.

While the Jugoslavs want unification, realization of their national ideals, they do not make any pretension on the ground of historical traditions and privileges; but they want the creation of a state on the principle of unity of territory, unity of race and language, and unity of national aggregates of population. Yet whether the greater powers, including recalcitrant Italy, will be satisfied or not with the purpose and aims of this new state, there can no longer be any doubt that the advent of Jugoslavia has already been proclaimed in the great circle of the nations.

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Auguste Rodin

By JUDITH CLADEL

Author of "Rodin: the Man and His Art," etc.

STRONG affection united Léon Cladel, my father, and the master sculptor whom we buried yesterday' in the garden of his modest villa.

This pure tie I had the signal honor and the good fortune to inherit. Auguste Rodin, with the graciousness of genius where women are concerned, and that French courtesy which made him so true a gentleman, accepted me as his spiritual daughter. It pleased him to direct my education in art; there was something of the apostle in this passionate lover of the beautiful which found in my youthful enthusiasm a soil propitious for the good word.

During fifteen years I was associated with him in his work; I received the confidences of his seeking soul, priceless treasures that in many writings I have tried to gather together. Here I wish only. Here I wish only to recall the character of the man; this was not less exceptional than his genius.

The incarnation of the virtues of the race, which are to-day glorifying our nation of peasants and warriors, he seemed compact of strength and fineness. He had the ardor that undertakes superhuman tasks and the constancy that carries them to a successful end.

For this man of will there existed only one real human value, conscience in work. He hated laziness, ignorance, commercialism, duplicity; he revered sustained effort, patience, order in the humblest and the greatest alike.

"Conscience is the plumb-line of the artist," he said, in one of those pregnant phrases which were characteristic of him and which come to the man of action alone. "Between the statesman who does nothing and the workman who knows his

1 In November, 1917. 694

trade, it is the workman I respect; he is my real fellow." He denounced the love of money as the dissolvent force in modern societies, and without any useless declamation remarked simply, "Germany has followed a base idea that can lead to nothing but ruin and oblivion; she has followed the idea of lucre." Everything that was mendacious, superficiality in art, false skill, hollow words, excited his scorn. "Exact truth, not appearance, is the mistress of things." That is not the dictum of the sculptor alone; it is the splendid dictum of the teacher. Every statesman ought to take it as his motto.

At the beginning of the war he did not dare to hope that France would preserve to the end this essential strength of patience which seemed to him and to many of us the privilege of the Northern peoples; but as the days passed he was filled with a positive veneration for the incomparable fortitude of our soldiers. "The patience of the trenches," he said, "is the sublime virtue of this war."

This vigor of mind and spirit, which life had brought him little by little, despite the inevitable, harrowing struggles of genius against mediocrity, explains the altogether extraordinary effect which Rodin had over all who came close to him. Amid the exhausting uncertainties that beset the modern soul, this beautiful being, massive in form and in thought, rose up with the august calm of a Moses. He dominated the chaos of ideas from the height of a very simple philosophical conviction, based upon the love of nature and the supremacy of intelligent labor. He conveyed such an impression of latent courage, of sure power, that those who lost faith during the long years of war and the overwhelming of France said to them

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