Let us. therefore, reason together. It is not my purpose to say aught to wound the feelings of any individual who may be present; and if, in the ardency with which I shall express my opinions, I shall say any thing which may be deemed too strong, let it be set down to the zeal with which I advocate my own convictions. There is with me no intention to irritate or offend. as I am doing now, and let reason and true patriotism decide between us. In my judgment, I say, under such cir cumstances, there would be no possible disgrace for a Southern man to hold office. No man will be suffered to be appointed, I have no doubt, who is not true to the Constitution, if Southern Senators are true to their trusts, as I cannot permit myself to doubt that they will be. The first question that presents itself is, shall the people My honorable friend who addressed you last night (Mr. of the South secede from the Union in consequence of the Toombs), and to whom I listened with the profoundest atelection of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United tention, asks if we would submit to Black Republican rule? States? My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly and ear- I say to you and to him, as a Georgian, I never would subnestly, that I do not think that they ought. In my judgment mit to any Black Republican aggression upon our constituthe election of no man, constitutionally chosen to that high tional rights. I will never consent myself, as much as I office, is sufficient cause for, any State to separate from the admire this Union for the glories of the past, or the blessUnion. It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining ings of the present-as much as it has done for the people the Constitution and the country. To make a point of re- of all these States-as much as it has done for civilization sistance to the government, to withdraw from it because aas much as the hopes of the world hang upon it, I would man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. never submit to aggression upon my rights to maintain it We are pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us longer; and if they cannot be maintained in the Union, have sworn to support it. Can we, therefore, for the mere standing on the Georgia platform, where I have stood from election of a man to the Presidency, and that too in accord- the time of its adoption, I would be in favor of disrupting ance with the prescribed forms of the Constitution, make a every tie which binds the States together. point of resistance to the government without becoming I will have equality for Georgia and for the citizens of the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves-with- Georgia, in this Union, or I will look for new safeguards draw ourselves from it? Would we not be in the wrong? elsewhere. This is my position. The only question now is, Whatever fate is to befall this country, let it never be laid can they be secured in the Union? That is what I am to the charge of the people of the South, and especially to counseling with you to-night about.. Can it be secured? the people of Georgia, that we were untrue to our national In my judgment it may be, but it may not be; but let us engagements. Let the fault and the wrong rest upon others. do all we can, so that in the future, if the worst come, it If all our hopes are to be blasted, if the Republic is to go may never be said that we were negligent in doing our duty down, let us be found to the last moment standing on the to the last. deck, with the Constitution of the United States waving over our heads. Let the fanatics of the North break the Constitution, if such is their fell purpose. Let the responsibility be upon them. I shall speak presently more of their acts; but let not the South-let us not be the ones to commit the aggression. We went into the election with this people. The result was different from what we wished; but the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the Government and go out of the Union on that account, the record would be made up hereafter against us. But it is said Mr. Lincoln's policy and principles are against the Constitution, and that if he carries them out it will be destructive of our rights. Let us not anticipato a threatened evil. If he violates the Constitution, then will come our time to act. Do not let us break it because, forsooth, he may. If he does, that is the time for us to strike. I think it would be judicious and unwise to do this sooner. I do not anticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do any thing to jeopard our safety or security, whatever may be his spirit to do it; for he is bound by the constitutional checks which are thrown around him, which at this time render him powerless to do any great mischief. This shows the wisdom of our system. The President of the United States is no Emperor, no dictator-he is clothed with no absolute power. He can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him. In the Senate he will also be powerless. There will be a majority of four against him. This, after the loss of Bigler, Fitch, and others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the National Democratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an officer without the consent of the Senate. He cannot form a cabinet without the same consent. He will be in the condition of George III. (the embodiment of Toryism), who had to ask the whigs to appoint his ministers, and was compelled to receive a cabinet utterly opposed to his views; and so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to ask of the Senate to choose for him a cabinet, if the Democracy of that body choose to put him on such terms. He will be compelled to do this or let the government stop, if the National Democratic men-for that is their name at the North-the conservative men in the Senate, should so determine. Then how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a cabinet which would aid him, or allow him to violate the Constitution? Why, then, I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union when his hands are tied, when he can do nothing against us? I have heard it mooted that no man in the State of Georgia, who is true to her interests, could hold office under Mr. Lincoln. But, I ask, who appoints to office? Not the President alone; the Senate has to concur. No man can be appointed without the consent of the Senate. Should any man then refuse to hold office that was given to him by a Democratic Senate? [Mr. Toombs interrupted, and said if the Sonate was Democratic it was for Mr. Breckinridge.] Well, then, continued Mr. S., I apprehend no man could be justly considered untrue to the interests of Georgia, or incur any disgrace, if the interests of Georgia required it, to hold an office which a Breckinridge Senate had given him, even though Mr. Lincoln should be President. I trust, my countrymen, you will be still and silent. I am addressing your good sense. I am giving you my views in a calm and dispassionate manner, and if any of you differ with me, you can, on any other occasion, give your views My countrymen, I am not of those who believe this Union has been a curse up to this time. True men, men of integ rity, entertain different views from me on this subject. I do not question their right to do so; I would not impugn their motives in so doing. Nor will I undertake to say that this government of our fathers is perfect. There is nothing perfect in this world of a human origin-nothing connected with human nature, from man himself to any of his works. You may select the wisest and best men for your judges, and yet how many defects are there in the administration of justice? You may select the wisest and best men for your legislators, and yet how many defects are apparent in your laws? And it is so in our Government. But that this government of our fathers, with all its defects, comes nearer the objects of all good governments than any other on the face of the earth is my settled conviction. Contrast it now with any on the face of the earth. [England, said Mr. Toombs.] England, my friend says. Well, that is the next best, I grant: but I think we have improved upon England. Statesmen tried their apprentice hand on the government of England, and then ours was made. Ours sprung from that, avoiding many of its defects, taking most of the good and leaving out many of its errors, and from the whole constructing and building up this model Republic-the best which the history of the world gives any account of. Compare, my friends, this Government with that of Spain, Mexico, the South American Republics, Germany, Ireland -are there any sons of that down-trodden nation here tonight?-Prussia, or, if you travel further east, to Turkey or China. Where will you go, following the sun in its circuit round our globe, to find a government that better protects the liberties of its people, and secures to them the blessings we enjoy? I think that one of the evils that beset us is a surfeit of liberty, an exuberance of the priceless blessings for which we are ungrateful. We listened to my honorable friend who addressed you last night (Mr. Toombs) as he recounted the evils of this Government. The first was the fishing bounties, paid mostly to the sailors of New England. Our friend stated that forty-eight years of our government was under the administration of Southern Presidents. Well, these fishing bounties began under the rule of a Southern President, I believe. No one of them during the whole forty-eight years ever set his administration against the principle or policy of them. It is not for me to say whether it was a wise policy in the beginning; it probably was not, and I have nothing to say in its defence. But the reason given for it was to encourage our young men to go to sea and learn to manage ships. We had at the time but a small navy. It was thought best to encourage a class of our people to become acquainted with seafaring life, to become sailors-to man our naval ships. It requires practice to walk the deck of a ship, to furl the sails, to go aloft, to climb the mast; and it was thought, by offering this bounty, a nursery might be formed in which young men would become perfected in these arts, and it applied to one section of the country as well as to any other. The result of this was, that in the war of 1812 our sailors, many of whom came from this nursery, were equal to any that England brought against us. At any rate, no small part of the glories of that war were gained by the veteran tars of America, and the object of these bounties was to foster that branch of the national defence. My opinion is that whatever may have been the reason at first, this bounty ought to be discontinued-the reason for it at first The next evil which my friend complained of, was the tariff. Well, let us look at that for a moment. About the time I commenced noticing public matters, this question was agitating the country almost as fearfully as the slave question now is. In 1832, when I was in college, South Carolina was ready to nullify or secede from the Union on this account. And what have we seen? The tariff no longer distracts the public counsels. Reason has triumphed! The present tariff was voted for by Massachusetts and South Carolina. The lion and the lamb lay down together-every man in the Senate and House from Massachusetts and South Carolina, I think, voted for it, as did my honorable friend himself. And if it be true, to use the figure of speech of my honorable friend, that every man in the North that works in iron, and brass and wood, has his muscle strengthened by the protection of the government, that stimulant was given by his vote, and I believe every other Southern man. So we ought not to complain of that. Mr. TOOMBS. The tariff assessed the duties. Mr. STEPHENS. Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity voted with the South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men asked them to be, and that is the rate they are now at. If reason and argument, with experience, produced such changes in the sentiments of Massachusetts from 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the tariff, may not like changes be effected there by the same means-reason and argument, and appeals to patriotism on the present vexed question? And who can say that by 1875 or 1890 Massachusetts may not vote with South Carolina and Georgia upon all those questions that now distract the country and threaten its peace and existence. I believe in the power and efficiency of truth, in the omnipotence of truth, and its ultimate triumph when properly wielded. Another matter of grievance alluded to by my honorable friend was the Navigation Laws. This policy was also commenced under the Administration of one of these, Southern Presidents who ruled so well, and has been continued through all of them since. The gentleman's views of the policy of these laws and my own do not disagree. We occupied the same ground in relation to them in Congress. It is not my purpose to defend them now. But it is proper to state some matters connected with their origin. One of the objects was to build up a commercial American marine by giving American bottoms the exclusive carryingtrade between our own ports. This is a great arm of national power. This object was accomplished. We have now an amount of shipping, not only coastwise, but to foreign countries, which puts us in the front rank of the nations of the world. England can no longer be styled the Mistress of the Seas. What American is not proud of the result? Whether those laws should be continued is another question. But one thing is certain: no President, Northern or Southern, has ever yet recommended their repeal. And my friend's efforts to get them repealed were met with but little favor, North or South. These, then, were the true main grievances or grounds of complaint against the general system of our Government and its workings-I mean the administration of the Federal Government. As to the acts of the Federal States I shall speak presently; but these three were the main ones used against the common head. Now, suppose it be admitted that all of these are evils in the system; do they overbalance and outweigh the advantages and great good which this same government affords in a thousand innumerable ways that cannot be estimated? Have we not at the South, as well as the North, grown great, prosperous, and happy under its operations? Has any part of the world ever shown such rapid progress in the development of wealth, and all the material resources of national power and greatness, as the Southern States have under the General Government, notwithstanding all its defects? Mr. TOOMBS. In spite of it. Mr. STEPHENS. My honorable friend says we have, in spite of the General Government; that without it. I suppose he thinks, we might have done as well, or perhaps better, than we have done this in spite of it. That may be and it may not be; but the great fact that we have grown great and powerful under the Government as it exists-there is no conjecture or speculation about that; it stands out bold, high, and prominent, like your Stone Mountain, to which the gentleman alluded in illustrating home facts in his record-this great fact of our unrivalled prosperity in the Union as it is admitted; whether all this is in spite of the Government-whether we of the South would have been better off without the Government-is, to say the least, problematical. On the one side we can only put the against speculation and conjecture on the other. But as a question of speculation I differ with my distingui friend. What we would have lost in border wars without Union, or what we have gained simply by the peace i secured, no estimate can be made of. Our foreign t which is the foundation of all our prosperity, has the pr tion of the navy, which drove the pirates from the wi near our coast, where they had been buccaneering for turies before, and might have been still had it not bee the American Navy, under the command of such spirit Commodore Porter. Now that the coast is clear, that commerce flows freely outwardly, we can not well esti how it would have been under other circumstances. influence of the Government on us is like that of the mosphere around us. Its benefits are so silent and un that they are seldom thought of or appreciated. We seldom think of the single element of oxygen in air we breathe, and yet let this simple, unseen and u agent be withdrawn, this life-giving element be taken a from this all-pervading fluid around us, and what ins and appalling changes would take place in all org creation. It may be that we are all that we are in "spite of General Government," but it may be that without it should have been far different from what we are now. true there is no equal part of the earth with natural sources superior perhaps to ours. That portion of country known as the Southern States, stretching from Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, is fully equal to the pic drawn by the honorable and eloquent Senator last nigh all natural capacities. But how many ages and centu passed before these capacities were developed to reach advanced age of civilization? There these same hills, in ore, same rivers, same valleys and plains, are as t have been since they came from the hand of the Creat uneducated and uncivilized man roamed over them for 1 long no history informs us. It was only under our institutions that they could be veloped. Their development is the result of the enterp of our people, under operations of the Government and stitutions under which we have lived. Even our peo without these, never would have done it. The organizat of society has much to do with the development of natural resources of any country or any land. The in tutions of a people, political and moral, are the matrix which the germ of their organic structure quickens i life-takes root, and develops in form, nature, and chai ter. Our institutions constitute the basis, the matrix, fi which spring all our characteristics of development greatness. Look at Greece. There is the same fertile a the same blue sky, the same inlets and harbors, the sa Egean, the same Olympus; there is the same land wh Homer sung, where Pericles spoke; it is in nature the sa old Greece-but it is living Greece no more. Descendants of the same people inhabit the country; what is the reason of this vast difference? In the midst present degradation we see the glorious fragments of anc works of art-temples, with ornaments and inscripti that excite wonder and admiration-the remains of a o high order of civilization, which have outlived the guage they spoke-upon them all, Ichabod is writte their glory has departed. Why is this so? I answer, th institutions have been destroyed. These were but fruits of their forms of government, the matrix from wh their grand development sprung; and when once the stitutions of a people have been destroyed, there is earthly power that can bring back the Promethean sp to kindle them here again, any more than in that anci land of eloquence, poetry, and song. The same may be said of Italy. Where is Rome, once mistress of the world? There are the same seven now, the same soil, the same natural resources; natur the same, but what a ruin of human greatness meets eye of the traveller throughout the length and breadth that most down-trodden land! Why have not the pe of that Heaven-favored clime the spirit that animated t fathers? Why this sad difference? It is the destruction of her institutions that has caused and, my countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour rashly down and destroy those institutions which the patri band of our fathers labored so long and so hard to build and which have done so much for us and the world, can venture the prediction that similar results will not sue? Let us avoid it if we can. I trust the spirit is am us that will enable us to do it. Let us not rashly try experiment, for, if it fails, as it did in Greece and Italy, in the South American Republics, and in every other p wherever liberty is once destroyed, it may never be rest to us again. There are defects in our government, errors in admi tion, and short-comings of many kinds; but in spite these defects and errors, Georgia has grown to be a g State. Let us pause here a moment. In 1850 there w great crisis, but not so fearful as this; for, of all I b ever passed through, this is the most perilous, and requires to be met with the greatest calmness and deliberation. There were many among us in 1850 zealous to go at once out of the Union, to disrupt every tie that binds us together. Now, do you believe, had that policy been carried out at that time, we would have been the same great people that we are today? It may be that we would, but have you any assurance of that fact? Would you have made the same advancement, improvement, and progress in all that constitutes material wealth and prosperity that we have? I notice, in the Comptroller-General's report, that the taxable property of Georgia is $670,000,000 and upward, an amount not far from double what it was in 1850. I think I may venture to say that for the last ten years the material wealth of the people of Georgia has been nearly if not quite doubled. The same may be said of our advance in education and every thing that marks our civilization. Have we any assurance that, had we regarded the earnest but misguided patriotic advice, as I think, of some of that day, and disrupted the ties which bind us to the Union, we would have advanced as we have? I think not. Well, then, let us be careful now before we attempt any rash experiment of this sort. I know that there are friends-whose patriotism I do not intend to question-who think this Union a curse and that we would be better off without it. I do not so think, if we can bring about a correction of those evils which threaten-and I am not without hope that this may yet be done. This appeal to go out, with all the provisions for good that accompany it, I look upon it as a great and I fear a fatal temptation. | against this, then I am for standing where Georgia planted herself in 1850. These were plain propositions, which were then laid down in her celebrated platform as sufficient for the disruption of the Union if the occasion should ever come. On these Georgia has declared that she will go out of the Union; and for these she would be justified by the nations of the earth in so doing. I say the same; I said it then; I say it now-if Mr. Lincoln's policy should be carried out. I have told you that I do not think his bare election sufficient cause: but if his policy should be carried out in violation of any of the principles set forth in the Georgia platform, that would be such an act of aggression which ought to be met as therein provided for. If his policy shall be carried out in repealing or modifying the fugitive slave law so as to weaken its efficacy, Georgia has declared that she will, in the last resort, disrupt the ties of the Union-and I say so too. I stand upon the Georgia platform, and upon every plank, and say, if these aggressions therein provided for take place I say to you and to the people of Georgia, keep your powder dry, and let your assailants then have lead, if need be. I would wait for an act of aggression. This is my position. Now upon another point, and that the most difficult, and deserving your most serious consideration, I will speak. That is the course which this State should pursue towards those Northern States, which by their legislative acts have attempted to nullify the fugitive slave law. I know that in some of these States their acts pretend to be based upon the principles set forth in the case of PRIGG against Pennsylvania. That decision did proclaim the doctrine that the State officers are not bound to carry out the provisions of a pose duties upon State officials-that they must execute their own laws by their own officers. And this may be true. But still it is the duty of the States to deliver fugitive slaves, as well as the duty of the General Government to see that it is done. When I look around and see our prosperity in every thing, agriculture, commerce, art, science, and every department of education, physical and mental, as well as moral advance-law of Congress-that the Federal Government can not imment, and our colleges, I think, in the face of such an exhibition, if we can, without the loss of power, or any essential right or interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to ourselves and to posterity to-let us not too readily yield to this temptation-do so. Our first parents, the great progenitors of the human race, were not without a like temptation when in the garden of Eden. They were led to believe that their condition would be bettered that their eyes would be opened-and that they would become as gods. They in an evil hour yielded-instead of becoming gods, they only saw their own nakedness. I look upon this country with our institutions as the Eden of the world, the paradise of the universe. It may be that out of it we may become greater and more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in telling you that I fear if we rashly evince passion, and without sufficient cause shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater or more peaceful, prosperous, and happy-instead of becoming gods, we will become demons, and at no distant day commence cutting one another's throats. This is my apprehension. Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet those difficulties, great as they are, like wise and sensible men, and consider them in the light of all the consequences which may attend our action. Let us see first clearly where the path of duty leads, and then we may not fear to tread therein. I come now to the main question put to me, and on which my counsel has been asked. That is, what the present Legislature should do in view of the dangers that threaten us, and the wrongs that have been done us by several of our confederate States in the Union, by the acts of their legislatures nullifying the fugitive slave law, and in direct disregard of their constitutional obligations. What I shall say will not be in the spirit of dictation; it will be simply my own judgment for what it is worth. It proceeds from a strong conviction that according to it our rights, interests and honor-our present safety and future security-can be maintained without yet looking to the last resort, the **ultima ratio regum." That should not be looked to until all else fails. That may come. On this point I am hopeful, but not sanguine. But let us use every patriotic effort to prevent it while there is ground for hope. If any view that I may present in your judgment be inconsistent with the best interests of Georgia, I ask you, as patriots, not to regard it. After hearing me and others whom you have advised with, act in the premises according to your own conviction of duty as patriots. I speak now particularly to the members of the legislature present. There are, as I have said, great dangers ahead. Great dangers may come from the election I have spoken of. If the policy of Mr. Lincoln and his Republican associates shall be carried out, or attempted to be carried out, no man in Georgia will be more willing or ready than myself to defend our rights, interests and honor, at every hazard and to the last extremity. What is this policy? It is, in the first place, to exclude us, by an act of Congress, from the Territories with our slave property. He is for using the power of the General Government against the extension of our institutions. Our position on this point is, and ought to be, at all hazards, for perfect equality between all the States, and the citizens of all the States, in the Territories, under the Constitution of the United States. If Congress should exercise its power Northern States, on entering into the Federal compact, pledged themselves to surrender such fugitives; and it is in disregard of their obligations that they have passed laws which even tend to hinder or obstruct the fulfilment of that obligation. They have violated their plighted faith; what ought we to do in view of this? That is the question. What is to be done? By the law of nations you would have a right to demand the carrying out of this article of agreement, and I do not see that it should be otherwise with respect to the States of this Union; and, in case it be not done, we would, by these principles, have the right to commit acts of reprisal on these faithless governments, and seize upon their property, or that of their citizens, wherever found. The States of this Union stand upon the same footing with foreign nations in this respect. But, by the law of nations, we are equally bound, before proceeding to violent measures, to set forth our grievances before the offending Government, to give them an opportunity to redress the wrong. Has our State yet done this? I think not. Suppose it was Great Britain that had violated some compact of agreement with the General Government, what would be first done? In that case our Minister would be directed, in the first instance, to bring the matter to the attention of that Government, or a Commissioner be sent to that country to open negotiations with her, ask for redress, and it would only be when argument and reason had been exhausted, that we should take the last resort of nations. That would be the course toward a foreign government, and toward a member of this Confederacy I would recommend the same course. Let us, therefore, not act hastily in this matter. Let your Committee on the State of the Republic make out a bill of grievances; let it be sent by the Governor to those faithless States, and if reason and argument shall be tried in vain-all shall fail to induce them to return to their constitutional obligations-I would be for retaliatory measures, such as the Governor has suggested to you. This mode of resistance in the Union is in our power. It might be effectual, and, if in the last resort, we would be justified in the eyes of nations, not only in separating from them, but by using force. [Some one said the argument was already exhausted.] Mr. STEPHEN8 continued. Some friend says that the argument is already exhausted. No, my friend, it is not. You have never called the attention of the Legislatures of those States to this subject that I am aware of. Nothing has ever been done before this year. The attention of our own people has been called to this subject lately. Now, then, my recommendation to you would be this: In view of all these questions of difficulty, let a convention of the people of Georgia be called, to which they may be all referred. Let the sovereignty of the people speak. Some think that the election of Mr. Lincoln is cause sufficient to dissolve the Union. Some think those other griev ances are sufficient to dissolve the same, and that the Le gislature has the power thus to act, and ought thus to act. I have no hesitancy in saying that the Legislature is not the proper body to sever our Federal relations, if that necessity should arise. An honorable and distinguished gentleman, the other night (Mr. T. R. R. Cobb), advised you to take this course-not to wait to hear from the cross-roads and groceries. I say to you, you have no power so to act. You must refer this question to the people, and you must wait to hear from the men at the cross-rcads and even the groceries; for the people in this country, whether at the cross-roads or the groceries, whether in cottages or palaces, are all equal, and they are the sovereigns in this country. Sovereignty is not in the Legislature. We, the people, are the sovereigns, I am one of them and have a right to be heard, and so has any other citizen of the State. You, legislators-I speak it respectfully-are but our servants. You are the servants of the people, and not their masters. Power resides with the people in this country. The great difference between our country and all others, such as France and England and Ireland, is, that here there is popular sovereignty while there sovereignty is exercised by kings and favored classes. This principle of popular Sovereignty, however much derided lately, is the foundation of our institutions. Constitutions are but the channels through which the popular will may be expressed. Our Constitution came from the people. They made it, and they alone can rightfully unmake it. Mr. TOOMBS. I am afraid of conventions. Mr. STEPHENS. I am not afraid of any convention legally chosen by the people. I know no way to decide great questions affecting fundamental laws except by representatives of the people. The Constitution of the United States was made by the representatives of the people. The Constitution of the State of Georgia was made by representa tives of the people chosen at the ballot-box. But do not let the question which comes before the people be put to them in the language of my honorable friend who addressed you last night: Will you submit to abolition rule or resist? | My honorable friend said last night: “I ask you to give Mr. STEPHENS. I have no doubt that my honorable friend feels as he says. It is only his excessive ardor that makes him use such an expression; but this will pass off with the excitement of the hour. When the people in their majesty shall speak, I have no doubt that he will bow to their will, whatever it may be, upon the "sober second thought." Should Georgia determine to go ont of the Union-I speak for one, though my views might not agree with them-whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause is my cause, and their destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be the ultimate course of all. The greatest curse that can befali a free people is civil war. But, as I said, let us call a convention of the people; let all these matters be submitted to it, and when the will of a majority of the people has thus been expressed, the whole State will present one unanimous voice in favor of whatever may be demanded; for 1 believe in the power of the people to govern themselves, when wisdom prevails and passion is silent. Look at what has already been done by them for their advancement in all that ennobles man. There is nothing like it in the history of the world. Look abroad from one extent of the country to the other-contemplate our greatness. We are now among the first nations of the earth. Shall it be said, then, that our institutions, founded upon principles of self-government, are a failure? The gentleman, Mr. Cobb, the other night said it had Thus far it is a noble example, worthy of imitation. proven a failure. A failure in what? In growth? Look at our expanse in national power. Look at our population and increase in all that makes a people great. A failure? Why, we are the admiration of the civilized world, and present the brightest hopes of mankind. Mr. ТOOMBS. I do not wish the people to be cheated. Mr. STEPHENS. Now, my friends, how are we going to cheat the people by calling on them to elect delegates to a convention to decide all these questions without any dicta-that is true, and from that comes a great part of our Some of our public men have failed in their aspirations; tion or direction? Who proposes to cheat the people by letting them speak their own untrammelled views in the choice of their ablest and best men, to determine upon all these matters involving their peace? I think the proposition of my honorable friend had a considerable smack of unfairness, not to say cheat. He wished to have no convention, but for the Legislature to submit their vote to the people-submission to abolition rule or resistance? Now who, in Georgia, would vote" submission to abolition rule?"" Is putting such a question to the people to vote on a fair way of getting an expression of the popular will on all these questions? I think not. Now, who in Georgia is going to submit to abolition rule? Mг. TOOMBS. The convention will. Mr. STEPHENS. No, my friend, Georgia will never do it. The convention will never secede from the Georgia Plat form. Under that there can be no abolition rule in the General Government. I am not afraid to trust the people in convention upon this and all questions. Besides, the Legislature were not elected for such a purpose. They came here to do their duty as legislators. They have sworn to support the Constitution of the United States. They did not come here to disrupt this Government. I am therefore for submitting all these questions to a convention of the people. Submit the question to the people, whether they would submit to an abolition rule or resist, and then let the Legislature act upon that vote? Such a course would be an insult to the people. They would have to eat their platform, ignore their past history, blot out their records, and take steps backward, if they should do this. I have never eaten my record or words, and never will. troubles. No, there is no failure of this Government yet. We have made great advancement under the Constitution, and I cannot but hope that we shall advance higher still. Let us be true to our cause. called, as I hope it may, I would say in my judgment, Now, when this convention assembles, if it shall be Without dictation, for I am conferring with you freely and frankly, and it is thus that I give my views, I should take into consideration all those questions which distract the public mind; should view all the grounds of secession so far as the election of Mr. Lincoln is concerned, and I have no doubt they would say that the constitutional election of no man is a sufficient cause to break up the Union, but that the State should wait until he at least does some unconstitutional act. Mr. TоOMвs. Commit some overt act. Mr. STEPHENS. No, I did not say that. The word overt is a sort of technical term connected with treason, which has come to us from the mother country, and it means an open act of rebellion. I do not see how Mr. Lincoln can do this unless he should levy war upon us. I do not, therefore, use the word overt. I do not intend to wait for that. But I use the words unconstitutional act, which our people understand much better, and which expresses just what I mean. But as long as he conforms to the Constitution, he should be left to exercise the duties of his office. In giving this advice I am but sustaining the Constitution of my country, and I do not thereby become a Lincolu aid man either but a Constitutional aid man. But this matter the Convention can determine. As to the other matter, I think we have a right to pass retaliatory measures, provided they be in accordance with the Constitution of the United States, and I think they can be made such. But whether it would be wise for this Legislature to do this now is the question. To the ConVention, in my judgment, this matter ought to be referred. Before we commit reprisals on New England we should exhaust every means of bringing about a peaceful solution of the question. But how will it be under this arrangement if they should vote to resist, and the Legislature should reassemble with this vote as their instruction? Can any man tell what sort of resistance will be meant? One man would say secede; another pass retaliatory measures; these are measures of resistance against wrong-legitimate and right-and there would be as many different ideas as there are members on this floor. Resistance don't mean secession-that, in no proper sense of the term, is resistance. Believing that the times require action, I am for presenting the question fairly to the people, for calling together an untrammelled convention, and presenting all the questions to them whether they will go out of the Union, or what course of resistance in the Union they may think best, and then let the Legislature act, when the people in their majesty are heard; and I tell you now, whatever that Convention does, I hope and trust our people will abide by. I advise the calling of a convention with the earnest desire to preserve the peace and harmony of themands, to appeal to their reason and judgment to give us State. I should dislike, above all things, to see violent measures adopted, or a disposition to take the sword in hand, by individuals, without the authority of law. Thus did General Jackson in the case of the French. He did not recommend reprisals until he had treated with France, and got her to promise to make indemnification, and it was only on her refusal to pay the money which she had promised that he recommended reprisals. It was after negotiation had failed. I do think, therefore, that it would be best, before going to extreme measures with our Confederate States, to make a presentation of our de our rights. Then, if reason should not triumph, it will be time enough to commit reprisals, and we should be justified in the eyes of a civilized world. At least, let the States know what your grievances are, and if they refuse, as I said, to give us our rights under the Constitution of our country, I should be willing, as a last resort, to sever the ties of this Union. I am for exhausting all that patriotism can demand before taking the last step. I would invite, therefore, South Carolina to a conference. I would ask the same of all the other Southern States, so that if the evil has got beyond our control, which God, in his mercy, grant may not be the case let us not be divided among ourselves, but, if possible, secure the united co-operation of all the Southern States; and then, in the face of the civilized world, we may justify our action; and, with the wrong all on the other side, we can appeal to the God of battles to aid us in our cause. But let us not do any thing in which any portion of our people may charge us with rash or hasty action. It is certainly a matter of great importance to tear this Government asunder. You were not sent here for that purpose. I would wish the whole South to be united if this is to be done; and I believe if we pursue the policy which I have indicated, this can be effected. In this way our sister Southern States can be induced to act with us, and I have but little doubt that the States of New York, and Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and the other Western States, will compel their Legislatures to recede from their hostile attitudes if the others do not. Then with these we would go on without New England if she chose to stay out. CURSED AND EXECRATED BY POSTERITY FOR ALL COMING SUICIDAL ACT BY THE PRESENT GENERATION, AND PROBABLY TIME, for the wide and desolating ruin that will inevitably follow this act you now propose to perpetrate? My own opinion is, that if this course be pursued, and Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what they are informed of the consequences of refusal, these reasons you can give that will even satisfy yourselves in States will secede; but if they should not, then let the calmer moments-what reasons you can give to your consequences be with them, and let the responsibility of fellow-sufferers in the calamity that it will bring upon the consequences rest upon them. Another thing I would us. WHAT REASONS CAN YOU GIVE TO THE NATIONS OF have that Convention to do. Reaffirm the Georgia plat- THE EARTH TO JUSTIFY IT? They will be the calm and form with an additional plank in it. Let that plank be the deliberate judges in the case; and what cause or one falfilment of the obligation on the part of these States to overt act can you name or point, on which to rest the repeal these obnoxious laws as a condition of our remain-plea of justification? WHAT RIGHT HAS THE NORTH ing in the Union. Give them time to consider it, and I ASSAILED? What interest of the South has been invaded? would ask all States South to do the same thing. What justice has been denied? and what claim founded in justice and right has been withheld? Can either of you to-day name one governmental act of wrong, deliberately and purposely done by the government of Washington, of which the South has a right to complain? I challenge the answer. While, on the other hand, let me show the facts (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here the advocate of the North; but I am here the friend, the firm friend, and lover of the South and her institutions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly and faithfully for yours, mine, and every other man's interest, the words of truth and soberness), of which I wish you to judge, and I will only state facts which are clear and undeniable, and which now stand as records authentic in the history of our country. When we of the South demanded the slave-trade, or the importation of Africans for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the right for twenty years? When we asked a three-fifths representation in Congress for our slaves, was it not granted? When we asked and demanded the return of any fugitive from justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor or allegiance, was it not incorporated in the Constitution, and again ratified and strengthened by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850? But do you reply that in many instances they have violated this compact, and have not been faithful to their engagements? As individual and local communities, they may have done so; but not by the sanction of Government; for that has always been true to Southern interests. Again, gentlemen, look at another act: when we have asked that more territory should be added, that we might spread the institution of slavery, have they not yielded to our demands in giving us Louisiana, Florida and Texas, out of which four States have been carved, and ample territory for four more to be added in due time, if you by this unwise and impolitic act do not destroy this hope, and, perhaps, by it lose all, and have your last slave wrenched from you by stern military rule, as South America and Mexico were; or by the vindictive decree of a universal emancipation, which may reasonably be expected to follow ? [A voice in the assembly. "We will kick them out."] Mr. STEPHENS. I would not kick them out. But if they chose to stay out, they might. I think, moreover, that these Northern States, being principally engaged in manufactures, would find that they had as much interest in the Union under the Constitution as we, and that they would return to their constitutional duty-this would be my hope. If they should not, and if the Middle States and Western States do not join us, we should at least have an undivided South I am, as you clearly perceive, for maintaining the Union as it is, if possible. I will exhaust every means thus to maintain it with an equality in it. My principles are these: First, the maintenance of the honor, the rights, the equality, the security, and the glory of my native State in the Union; but if these cannot be maintained in the Union, then I am for their maintenance, at all hazards, out of it. Next to the honor and glory of Georgia, the land of my birth, I hold the honor and glory of our common country. In Savannah I was made to say, by the reporters-who very often make me say things which I never did say that I was first for the glory of the whole country, and next for that of Georgia. But, again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this proposed change of our relation to the General Government? We have always had the control of it, and can yet, if we remain in it, and are as united as we have been. We have had a majority of the Presidents chosen from the South; as well as the control and management of most of those chosen from the North. We have had sixty years of Southern Presidents to their twenty-four, thus controlling the Executive department. So of the Judges of the Supreme Court, we have had eighteen from the South, and but eleven from the North; although nearly four-fifths of the judicial business has arisen in the Free States, yet a majority of the Court has always been from the South. This we have required so as to guard against any interpretation of the Constitution unfavorable to us. In like manner we have been equally watchful to guard our interests in the Legislative branch of Government. In choosing the presiding Presidents (pro tem.) of the Senate, we have had twenty-four to their eleven. Speakers of the House, we have had twentythree, and they twelve. While the majority of the Representatives, from their greater population, have From Mr. STEPHENS's speech in the State always been from the North, yet we have so generally Convention of Georgia : I said the exact reverse of this. I am proud of her history, of her present standing. I am proud even of her motto, which I would have duly respected at the present time by all her sons-Wisdom, Justice, and Moderation. I would have her rights and that of the Southern States maintained now upon these principles. Her position now is just what it was in 1850, with respect to the Southern States. Her platform then has been adopted by most, if not all, the other Southern States. Now I would add but one additional plank to that platform, which I have stated, and one which time has shown to be necessary. If all this fails, we shall at least have the satisfaction of knowing that we have done our duty and all that patriotism could require. This step (of secession) once taken, can never be recalled; and all the baleful and withering consequences that must follow, will rest on the convention for all coming time. When we and our posterity shall see our lovely South desolated by the demon of war, WHICH THIS ACT OF YOURS WILL INEVITABLY INVITE AND CALL. FORTH: When our green fields of waving harvest shall be trodden down by the murderous soldiery and fiery car of war sweeping over our land; our temples of justice laid in ashes; all the horrors and desolations of war upon us; WHO BUT THIS CONVENTION WILL BE HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR IT? and who but him who shall have given his vote for this nowise and ill-timed measure, as I honestly think and believe, SHALL BE HELD TO STRICT ACCOUNT FOR THIS secured the Speaker, because he, to a great extent, shapes and controls the legislation of the country. Nor have we had less control in every other department of the General Government. Attorney-Generals we have had fourteen, while the North have had but five. Foreign ministers we have had eighty-six, and they but fifty-four. While three-fourths of the business which demands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly from the Free States, from their greater commercial interests, yet we have had the prin cipal embassies so as to secure the world-markets for our cotton, tobacco, and sugar on the best possible terms. We have had a vast majority of the higher offices of both army and navy, while a larger proportion of the soldiers and sailors were drawn from the North. Equally so of Clerks, Auditors, and Comptrollers filling the Executive department, the records show for the last fifty years that |